Abstract: The chapter addresses the key problem of Polish collective memory of Auschwitz, that is, how Poles perceive the former camp, in a wider context of Polish memory of World War II, Nazi camps, and the Holocaust. It presents and discusses results of surveys representative of Poland’s population, particularly two designed by the authors and conducted in 2020. The surveys show that the war is the major theme of Polish collective memory, and Nazi camps in general and Auschwitz in particular belong to top Polish lieux de mémoire. Auschwitz evokes in Poles mostly general and universalist associations with destruction, murder, crematoria, gas chambers, and death. The Holocaust is spontaneously associated with Auschwitz only rarely. On the other hand, the camp is the most frequently associated site of the destruction of Jews. The Polish collective memory of Auschwitz hinges upon a poor awareness of the number, nationality, and countries of origin of the camp’s victims. However, Poles are aware of the major historical functions of the camp and share different symbolic meanings of it. Some survey results suggest that a cosmopolitan Holocaust memory focusing on Auschwitz developed among Poles while others indicate that the Polish memory of Auschwitz has nationalist characteristics.
Abstract: Nach dem Angriff der klerikal-faschistsichen Hamas auf Israel im Oktober 2023 kam es sehr schnell zu einer Mobilisierung für die Ziele der Terrororganisation. Diese waren von Anfang an getragen von antisemitischen Tropen und gingen einher mit einem rasanten Anstieg der antisemitisch motivierten Straft- und Gewalttaten. Relevante Trägergruppen dieses Antisemitismus sind dem eigenen Selbstverständnis nach im linken politischen Spektrum positioniert. Zeigt diese Mobilisierung eine bisher übersehene Verbreitung antisemitischer Ressentiments auch in der politischen Linken an? Und was sind mögliche Ursachen für das Vorkommen des Antisemitismus in Gruppen, für die Gerechtigkeitsnormen zum erklärten Selbstverständnis gehören? Auf Grundlage der Daten der Leipziger Autoritarismus Studie 2024 können wir zeigen, dass der Antisemitismus auch innerhalb der Linken verbreitet ist, wenn auch die Rationalisierung des Ressentiments teilweise anders ausfällt. Auffällig ist, dass innerhalb jüngerer Befragter der Antisemitismus häufiger anzutreffen ist, als bei älteren – mit Ausnahme des Schuldabwehrantisemitismus. Wir diskutieren diese Befunde auf auf kritisch-theoretischer Basis.Nach dem Angriff der klerikal-faschistsichen Hamas auf Israel im Oktober 2023 kam es sehr schnell zu einer Mobilisierung für die Ziele der Terrororganisation. Diese waren von Anfang an getragen von antisemitischen Tropen und gingen einher mit einem rasanten Anstieg der antisemitisch motivierten Straft- und Gewalttaten. Relevante Trägergruppen dieses Antisemitismus sind dem eigenen Selbstverständnis nach im linken politischen Spektrum positioniert. Zeigt diese Mobilisierung eine bisher übersehene Verbreitung antisemitischer Ressentiments auch in der politischen Linken an? Und was sind mögliche Ursachen für das Vorkommen des Antisemitismus in Gruppen, für die Gerechtigkeitsnormen zum erklärten Selbstverständnis gehören? Auf Grundlage der Daten der Leipziger Autoritarismus Studie 2024 können wir zeigen, dass der Antisemitismus auch innerhalb der Linken verbreitet ist, wenn auch die Rationalisierung des Ressentiments teilweise anders ausfällt. Auffällig ist, dass innerhalb jüngerer Befragter der Antisemitismus häufiger anzutreffen ist, als bei älteren – mit Ausnahme des Schuldabwehrantisemitismus. Wir diskutieren diese Befunde auf auf kritisch-theoretischer Basis.
Abstract: For this report, the Union of Jewish Students has collated dozens of testimonies from students who have
experienced antisemitism on campus.
The UJS also commissioned polling of 1,000 students, across all faiths and none, to assess the
impact of campus protests and the rise of antisemitism. The findings reveal alarming levels of campus
antisemitism, significant disruption caused by protests, and perceptions of Jewish students marred by
hostility and intolerance.
Key Findings:
1.Antisemitism has become normalised on our campuses.
- One in four students (23%) have seen behaviour that targets Jewish students for their religion/ethnicity.
- One in five (20%) students would be reluctant to, or would never, houseshare with a Jewish student.
- Jewish students have told us they have faced physical and verbal abuse, social ostracisation and
widespread antisemitic attitudes.
2.Glorification of terrorism is prevalent and unpunished.
- Our research has found that student groups have explicitly called for violence against Jews, even justifying the terrorist attack at Bondi Beach in December 2025.
- 49% of students have heard slogans or chants glorifying Hamas, Hezbollah or other proscribed groups on campus.
- 47% have witnessed justification of the October 7th attacks, rising to 77% among those who encounter Israel-Palestine protests regularly.
3. Protests disrupt all students, and universities have a clear mandate from students to take firmer action.
-Protests have disrupted learning for 65% of students, and 40% have altered their journey on campus to avoid disruption.
- Universities where protests are more frequent have seen higher levels of antisemitism, and four in ten (39%) of students who witness regular Israel-Palestine protests have seen Jewish students harassed often.
- 69% of students disapprove of protests blocking access to learning, and 82% deem calls to 'globalise the intifada' to be antisemitic.
Abstract: In June 2025, Hadassah UK partnered with the Hadassah Medical Organization in Jerusalem to undertake important mental health research in the community. Developed by leading Israeli trauma experts, a UK-wide survey was presented to the community to understand how British Jews were coping with the psychological and social impact of October 7th, the ongoing conflict, and rising antisemitism.
This research involved 511 participants from diverse backgrounds within the UK Jewish community, representing various denominational affiliations, geographic locations, and demographic characteristics. The completed study provided robust statistical power for examining complex relationships between trauma exposure, psychological symptoms, and protective factors.Our comprehensive statistical analysis reveals critical insights into the psychological impact of exposure to the October 7th events and subsequent antisemitism on the UK Jewish community.
Participants were recruited through multiple channels including synagogues, Jewish community organisations, and social networks to ensure broad representation, as well as help to capture the full spectrum of experiences within the UK Jewish community.
From our study, we can see that the psychological impact of October 7th and subsequent events created significant mental health challenges within the UK Jewish community. A key finding showed that over one-third of participants exhibited clinically significant PTSD symptoms, including intrusive memories of attack imagery, avoidance of trauma reminders, and heightened reactive responses.
Abstract: Feindselige Einstellungen gegenüber religiösen und ethnischen Minoritäten sind weit verbreitet. Ziel dieser Studie ist es, Einstellungsmuster in der Schweizer Bevölkerung empirisch zu identifizieren und zu prüfen, wie diese mit Kontakthäufigkeit zu Minoritäten zusammenhängen. Grundlage ist ein repräsentativer Survey, der im Jahr 2022 durchgeführt wurde (N = 2 701). Dazu wurden Fragen zu feindseligen Einstellungen gegenüber Jüdinnen und Juden, Musliminnen und Muslimen sowie Schwarzen Menschen gestellt. Befragte mit vergleichbaren Einstellungen wurden mit einer Reihe latenter Klassenanalysen gruppiert. Mittels Bayesian Information Criterion wurde das am besten zu den Daten passende Modell identifiziert. Es fanden sich sechs distinkte Einstellungsgruppen: keine Feindseligkeit, nicht antisemitisch geprägte Kulturangst, antisemitische Feindseligkeit, Fremdenfeindlichkeit, antisemitisch geprägte Kulturangst und unspezifische Feindseligkeit. Mittels multinomialer logistischer Regression konnte gezeigt werden, dass die Kontakthäufigkeit mit der Gruppe nicht antisemitisch geprägte Kulturangst zusammenhängt. Personen mit feindseligen Einstellungen stellen keine homogene Gruppe dar. Antisemitismus und Kulturangst sind bei der Unterscheidung der Gruppen zentral, wobei Antisemitismus ein eigenständiges Phänomen ist.
Abstract: Die Problematik des politisch-islamischen Antisemitismus (PIA) hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Aufmerksamkeit erfahren. In diesem Kapitel gehen wir der oftmals wenig berücksichtigten Frage nach, wie Jüdinnen:Juden die aktuelle Bedrohungslage erleben und ausdeuten. Dies untersuchen wir aus Perspektive einer phänomenologisch orientierten Wissenssoziologie mittels eines Mixed-Methods-Ansatzes. Unsere Studie umfasst die Analyse von 21 problemzentrierten Interviews mit Jüdinnen:Juden sowie die Auswertung eines Online-Surveys mit 295 jüdischen Befragten. Die Interviewanalyse ergab, dass das Erleben von PIA strukturidentisch zu anderen Antisemitismusformen verläuft. Die alltägliche Konfrontation führt zum Erleben dreier Begrenzungen: Im Vorfeld der möglichen Konfrontation ist es problematisch, dass diese nicht immer vollumfänglich antizipiert werden kann. Kommt es zur Konfrontation, sind selbstgewählte Alltagsrelevanzen eingegrenzt. Im weiteren Konfrontationsverlauf kann sich zudem die eigene Handlungsfähigkeit als begrenzt erweisen. Die Auswertung der quantitativen Daten kann hieran anknüpfend zeigen, dass viele Befragte von Begegnungen mit PIA berichten, den sie vor allem durch Aussagen, Sprache und Kontext der Täter:innen identifizieren. 29 % der Befragten gaben an, in den letzten zehn Jahren PIA in Form von Beleidigung, Vandalismus oder physischer Gewalt erlebt zu haben. Bezüglich der Bedrohungs- und Problemwahrnehmung unterscheiden sie deutlich zwischen „Muslimen“ und „radikalen Muslimen“ und sehen PIA als großes gesellschaftliches Problem an, das ihre Sicherheit und alltägliche Lebenswelt beeinflusst.
Abstract: The Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (Claims Conference) commissioned Schoen Cooperman Research to conduct a comprehensive national study of Holocaust Knowledge and Awareness in the Netherlands.
Schoen Cooperman Research conducted 2,000 interviews across the Netherlands. The margin of error for the study is 2 percent. This memo presents our key research findings and compares these findings with prior Claims Conference studies, which were conducted in five other countries.
Our latest study finds significant gaps in Holocaust knowledge and awareness in the Netherlands, as well as widespread concern that Holocaust denial and Holocaust distortion are problems in the Netherlands today.
We found that 23 percent of Dutch Millennials and Gen Z respondents believe the Holocaust is a myth, or that it occurred but the number of Jews who died has been greatly exaggerated – the highest percentage among Millennials and Gen Z respondents in all six countries the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against
Germany has previously studied.
Further, 29 percent of Dutch respondents, including 37 percent of Dutch Millennials and Gen Z respondents believe that two million or fewer Jews were killed during the Holocaust. Moreover, despite the fact that more than 70 percent of the Netherlands’ Jewish population perished during the Holocaust, a majority of Dutch respondents (53
percent), including 60 percent of Dutch Millennials and Gen Z, do not cite the Netherlands as a country where the Holocaust took place. Finally, 53 percent of Dutch respondents believe that something like the Holocaust
could happen again today.
Abstract: To cope with the covid-19 pandemic, people not only relied on state measures and scientific knowledge, but also drew on the resources of religion. They may also have embraced conspiracy theories that sometimes led them to engage in protest behavior. Against this background, we address the following research question: “How are people's religiosity and spirituality related to their belief in covid-19 conspiracy theories in Germany?” We answer this question by conducting a theory-led empirical analysis. We apply quantitative methods based on primary data from a (non-representative) online survey that we carried out with 2,373 respondents in Germany between July 2020 and January 2021. The results show that belief in covid-19 conspiracy theories is positively correlated with the image of a punitive God, with exclusivist beliefs, and with private prayer—and negatively correlated with attendance at religious services. Moreover, Catholics, Protestants, Muslims, and Jews have a lower affinity for conspiracy theories than not religiously affiliated people, while the opposite is true for Evangelicals.
Abstract: The report shares, for the first time, data on observing Succot in the UK, based on the responses of over 4,800 adult British Jews to the JPR 2025 Jews in Uncertain Times Survey. The report compares Succot observance with other Jewish New Year holidays and festivals, and explores who is more likely to celebrate Succot.
Some of the key findings in this report:
50% of Jews in the UK said they celebrate Succot in some way (e.g. attending synagogue, spending some time in a 'Succah', etc.)."
Compared with its neighbouring High Holidays, Rosh Hashana and Yom Kippur, and with other Jewish festivals and practices, Succot is somewhat less commonly observed.
The larger the household size, the more likely it is that Succot is observed. Households with school-aged children at home are much more likely to celebrate Succot, especially if they are in Jewish schools.
74% of British Jews observe Rosh Hashanah rituals at home. 63% of British Jews fast on Yom Kippur most or all years.
Abstract: Significance
Commemoration initiatives seek to increase the public visibility of past atrocities and the fates of victims. This is counter to the objectives of revisionist actors to downplay or deny atrocities. Memorials for victims might complicate such attempts and reduce support for revisionist actors. The current research examines whether, on the level of local neighborhoods, exposure to memorials for victims of NS persecution can reduce support for a far-right, revisionist party. We find that, in Berlin, Germany, the placement of small, local “stumbling stones” commemorating victims and survivors of NS persecution, is associated with a substantial decrease in the local far-right vote share in the following election. Our study suggests that local, victim-focused memorials can reduce far-right support.
Abstract
Does public remembrance of past atrocities lead to decreased support for far-right parties today? Initiatives commemorating past atrocities aim to make visible the victims and crimes committed against them. This runs counter to revisionist actors who attempt to downplay or deny atrocities and victims. Memorials for victims might complicate such attempts and reduce support for revisionist actors. Yet, little empirical evidence exists on whether that happens. In this study, we examine whether exposure to local memorials that commemorate victims of atrocities reduces support for a revisionist far-right party. Our empirical case is the Stolpersteine (“stumbling stones”) memorial in Berlin, Germany. It commemorates victims and survivors of Nazi persecution in front of their last freely chosen place of residence. We employ time-series cross-sectional analyses and a discontinuity design using a panel dataset that matches the location and date of placement of new Stolpersteine with the election results from seven elections (2013 to 2021) at the level of polling station areas. We find that, on average, the presence of Stolpersteine is associated with a 0.96%-point decrease in the far-right vote share in the following election. Our study suggests that local memorials that make past atrocities visible have implications for political behavior in the present.
Abstract: In this report:
As the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly approaches, and with key statesmen and leaders, including British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer, announcing that their countries may recognise a Palestinian state at the summit, this report finds levels of agreement with the contention that “a two-state solution is the only way Israel will achieve peace with its neighbours in the Middle East” have fallen to below 50% among British Jews for the first time since records began.
The report is based on over 4,800 responses from members of the JPR Research Panel to the 2025 Jews in Uncertain Times Survey, conducted in June/July 2025.
Some of the key findings in this report:
49% of respondents agree with the two-state solution contention, compared with 54% a year ago, and 78% in 2010.
Despite the reported drop, support for the two-state solution remains the majority opinion among British Jews, as 41% disagree with it and 10% are not sure.
Younger Jews are found to be less likely to believe in the two-state solution than their elders, with over 40% of 16-29-year-olds showing a degree of support for a shared bi-national state.
Attitudes to support for the two-state solution correlate with Jews’ Jewish denominational positions, political allegiances and attitudes to Zionism.
Anti-Zionist Jews, who constitute a small minority of British Jews as a whole, are particularly likely to favour bi-nationalism over the two-state solution. The much larger, mainstream and orthodox communities overwhelmingly reject this position, but show considerable scepticism for the two-state solution, most likely on security grounds.
British Jews overwhelmingly reject the idea that ‘Israel should take over full control of Gaza.’
Abstract: Die Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und Israel sind einzigartig. Geprägt von der Erinnerung an die Shoah und getragen von dem Anspruch, daraus praktische Konsequenzen für heute zu ziehen, gelten sie als „besonders“. Doch was bedeutet diese Besonderheit im Jahr 2025? Haben der Terrorangriff der Hamas auf Israel am 7. Oktober 2023 und der nachfolgende Krieg Israels gegen die Hamas im Gazastreifen Spuren im bilateralen Verhältnis hinterlassen? Wie blicken Deutsche und Israelis heute aufeinander, welche Erwartungen und Bilder prägen das gegenseitige Verhältnis, und welche Verantwortung resultiert daraus in einer Zeit wachsender geopolitischer Spannungen und gesellschaftlicher Polarisierung? Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Fragen gibt die vorliegende Kompaktauswertung einen ersten Einblick in die Ergebnisse unserer aktuellen Studie zur gegenseitigen Wahrnehmung von Israelis und Deutschen. Auf Basis einer repräsentativen Doppelbefragung in beiden Ländern gibt sie Aufschluss über das politische Selbstverständnis in beiden Gesellschaften, die Rolle der Geschichte für die Gegenwart, die Erwartungen an die deutsche Nahostpolitik sowie die Wahrnehmung von Antisemitismus und internationaler Verantwortung. Die Ergebnisse zeichnen ein ambivalentes Bild, geprägt von Nähe und Distanz, Zustimmung und Kritik, Hoffnung und Skepsis. In dieser Auswertung legen wir einen besonderen Fokus auf die Erhebung in Deutschland und ziehen die israelischen Befunde vergleichend heran. Eine umfangreiche Darstellung aller Ergebnisse ist in Vorbereitung. Mit dieser Studie setzt die Bertelsmann Stiftung ihre langjährige Reihe empirischer Analysen zur Entwicklung der deutsch-israelischen Beziehungen fort. Die Studie erscheint in einem Jahr, in dem sich die Aufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen zwischen beiden Staaten zum sechzigsten Mal jährt. Ein Anlass, nicht nur auf das Erreichte zurückzublicken, sondern auch für eine kritische Selbstbefragung: Wie können wir, Deutsche und Israelis, unsere Beziehung in Zukunft verantwortungsvoll gestalten?
Abstract: For many people, the coronavirus pandemic meant an enormous and existential loss of control. At the same time, an increase in right-wing extremist attitudes like xenophobia could be observed in Germany. In this study, we hypothesize that the loss of control caused by the pandemic has contributed to the rise in xenophobic and anti-Semitic attitudes in Germany. We propose that this occurs through an attempt to restore control via elements of a revised authoritarian syndrome understood as both the classic authoritarian dynamic of aggression, submission and conventionalism on the one hand, and a general belief in conspiracy theories on the other. In a representative, probability-based study, N = 2522 participants were surveyed on locus of control, right-wing authoritarianism, conspiracy mentality, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism. It was found that right-wing authoritarianism and conspiracy mentality mediated the relationship between external locus of control and xenophobia (partial mediation) and anti-Semitism (full mediation). Surprisingly, internal control beliefs had a direct effect on right-wing authoritarianism—an effect that also leads to increased resentment. We conclude that social crises make people particularly vulnerable to regaining control via conspiracy theories and authoritarianism, which harbors dangers such as right-wing extremism as a consequence. Limitations are discussed.
Abstract: What drives antisemitic hostility in the 21st century? Competing theoretical frameworks provide different answers: the generalist framework views antisemitism as a manifestation of general outgroup hostility common to various
forms of prejudice, while the particularist framework posits that antisemitism today is distinctively linked to antizionist sentiment—enmity toward Zionism, Israel, and its supporters. This study evaluates these frameworks through a comparative, longitudinal case study of antisemitic hostility in Germany, Sweden, and Russia (1990–2020), using a mixed-methods approach to integrate incident counts, victimization surveys, media analysis, and expert interviews. Findings suggest that the particularist framework better explains observed patterns of variation in antisemitic hostility, with flare-ups in the Middle East conflict generating or catalyzing antisemitic hostility in other societies depending on the strength of local antizionist sentiment. The results support new directions
in prejudice research that differentiate between generalized and group-specific forms of hostility, where the latter are highly context-dependent.
Abstract: From an intercultural perspective, this article explores majority/minority and between minorities interactions, and revisits Allport’s contact theory, in a socially and ethnically diverse urban area hosting a large proportion of Jews and Muslims. The data comes from a telephone survey of a sample of inhabitants of the 19th arrondissement of Paris. Open and closed questions explore the symbolic social and political boundaries respondents construct between ‘us’ and ‘them’, and their patterns of sociability. Survey experiments with vignettes deal with more sensitive issues (reactions to circulating cartoons at school and police reactions to verbal assault, according to the ethnicity of the victim). The immediate social and ethnic surrounding of each respondent is reconstructed on the basis of census and ethnographic data. The results go against several common beliefs. Religion is not the only dimension of respondents’ identity; it intersects with social class, gender and generation. The relations between Jews and Muslims are not so much conflictual as ambivalent. Being minorities and feeling discriminated against as such brings them together. They both are more religious than the majority population, more traditional on sexual issues and more family-oriented, and most of them consider that Jews and Muslims have a common cultural heritage and should be united against discrimination. Nevertheless, there are friction points (Israeli-Palestinian conflict/the colonial past of France). Politically and socially Muslims are closer to the non-European immigrants, while Jews are closer to the French and the European-born ‘white’ population. Antisemitism is a clear taboo; anti-Jewish cartoons are seen as far more reprehensible than any other. But a majority of the sample, and Muslims a little more than average, see Jews as a ‘group apart’, and believe in the old stereotype about Jews having more influence, being more likely, for instance, to be helped by the police if needed.
Abstract: Introduction: Amid escalating global antisemitism, particularly following the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, this study addresses critical gaps in understanding the psychosocial impact of antisemitism on Jewish communities worldwide.
Methods: Focusing on the Jewish community in Germany, we conducted a cross-sectional survey of 420 Jewish individuals (mean age = 40.71 years, SD = 15.90; 57% female). Participants completed measures assessing four distinct forms of perceived and experienced antisemitism: everyday discrimination, microaggressions (subtle antisemitism and collective experiences such as encountering antisemitic comments on social media), vigilance against antisemitism, and perceived prevalence of antisemitism. Psychosocial outcomes—including depression, anxiety, subjective well-being, and social participation—were also measured. Data were analyzed using correlation analyses and multiple linear regressions, and Latent Profile Analysis (LPA) identified distinct groups based on shared perceptions and experiences of antisemitism and levels of Jewish identification.
Results: Results indicate that experiences of antisemitism, particularly everyday discriminatory acts, were significantly associated with poorer mental health outcomes and reduced social participation. The LPA revealed three distinct groups, with the high-identity, high-antisemitism group (53% of the sample) reporting significantly higher anxiety levels than those with average identification and more rare experience with antisemitism.
Discussion: These findings underscore the pervasive nature of antisemitism and its detrimental effects on the well-being of Jewish individuals. The study highlights the need for targeted interventions to promote resilience within Jewish communities and calls for broader societal efforts to combat antisemitism.
Abstract: NEW YORK, NEW YORK: January 23, 2025—The Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (Claims Conference) today released the first-ever, eight-country Index on Holocaust Knowledge and Awareness, exposing a global trend in fading knowledge of basic facts about the Holocaust. The countries surveyed include the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Austria, Germany, Poland, Hungary and Romania.
The majority of respondents in each country, except Romania, believe something like the Holocaust (another mass genocide against Jewish people) could happen again today. Concern is highest in the United States, where more than three-quarters (76%) of all adults surveyed believe something like the Holocaust could happen again today, followed by the U.K. at 69%, France at 63%, Austria at 62%, Germany at 61%, Poland at 54%, Hungary at 52%, and Romania at 44%.
Shockingly, some adults surveyed say that they had not heard or weren’t sure if they had heard of the Holocaust (Shoah) prior to taking the survey. This is amplified among young adults ages 18-29 who are the most recent reflection of local education systems; when surveyed, they indicated that they had not heard or weren’t sure if they had heard of the Holocaust (Shoah): France (46%), Romania (15%), Austria (14%) and Germany (12%). Additionally, while Auschwitz-Birkenau is the most well-known camp, nearly half (48%) of Americans surveyed are unable to name a single camp or ghetto established by the Nazis during World War II.
On a more positive note, there is overwhelming support for Holocaust education. Across all countries surveyed, nine-in-10 or more adults believe it is important to continue teaching about the Holocaust, in part, so it does not happen again.
Abstract: The paper sets out how a small religion-based sub-population based in a UK city, Liverpool Jewry, underpinned its planning for the future in the light of its reducing size and the consequent strain on the community’s infrastructure and resources. This was achieved by carrying out a voluntary census to provide information on the community’s current size (about 1800 individuals living in 900 households) and its age profile, household types and other characteristics. The census questions were designed to provide data that allowed future population projections to be developed. The low number of births in the community necessitated the devising of a novel approach to the fertility assessment, though mortality rates were derived in a traditional way. In particular, the various elements of migration were investigated via historical information and stated preference responses. The analysis facilitated the estimation of levels of future demand for educational, youth, cultural, religious, welfare and burial services, and the community’s ability to continue to provide those services. Whilst the subject of this paper is the Jewish community in the city of Liverpool, the approach set out here could be adopted by other minority groups, whether shrinking, growing or stable, in other localities and in other countries.
