Abstract: La ricerca rientra nel progetto PCTO sull’antisemitismo a cui hanno aderito 84 studenti di tre scuole superiori della Regione Lazio, due licei e un istituto d’istruzione superiore, insieme a Progetto Memoria e alla Fondazione CDEC per l’anno scolastico 2022-2023.
Studenti e studentesse delle classi terze e quarte, insieme ai docenti referenti hanno coinvolto Progetto Memoria quale tutor esterno (Sandra Terracina) e due dipartimenti della Fondazione CDEC (Betti Guetta, Stefano Gatti e Murilo Cambruzzi per l’Osservatorio antisemitismo; Patrizia Baldi per la Didattica) per sviluppare il progetto, ricevere formazione, essere coadiuvati nell’analisi e nella riflessione su stereotipi e pregiudizi, in particolare sugli ebrei. Tra gli obiettivi del progetto, la promozione di un processo conoscitivo sulle cause e sulle dinamiche dell’antisemitismo, indirizzato a far emergere comportamenti e atteggiamenti diffusi nella società, al fine di orientare ai valori di una collettività democratica e inclusiva, partendo dalla fotografia realizzata dall’indagine delle Fondazione CDEC. L’apprendimento di carattere storico, sociologico, psicosociale e statistico ha permesso agli studenti di sviluppare le attività a loro affidate. Sono stati stimolati a confrontarsi con figure esterne al mondo della scuola e a gestire, nelle varie fasi del progetto, dinamiche tra pari. Il lavoro di formazione e di tutoraggio si è tenuto in modalità ibrida.
Gli studenti coinvolti nel progetto di formazione hanno compilato un questionario (già utilizzato nell’anno scolastico precedente) finalizzato a valutare il grado di conoscenza degli ebrei e la presenza di pregiudizi e stereotipi nei loro confronti.
Il questionario è composto da 13 domande chiuse ed è stato somministrato tramite Google Forms, tra l’aprile e il maggio 2023, dagli studenti dei tre istituti che hanno partecipato alla seconda edizione del PCTO “Progetto sull’antisemitismo”.
La scelta metodologica è stata quella di coinvolgere nell’indagine i ragazzi del primo anno delle superiori e quelli dell’ultimo anno per cercare di valutare se il percorso scolastico (lungo 5 anni) possa avere un effetto sulla conoscenza degli ebrei e la condivisione di pregiudizi antisemiti.
In totale sono stati compilati 673 questionari 481 al liceo A (71.5%) e 29 al liceo B (4.3%), e 163 all’istituto d’istruzione superiore (24.2%). Il 73% degli studenti è iscritto al percorso scientifico e il 24% al tecnico, gli altri 3% si dividono tra il linguistico e il classico. Il 46 % degli studenti frequenta il primo anno e il 54 % il quinto. Il 45% ha dichiarato di appartenere al genere femminile e il 51% al maschile, il 4% rimanente non ha voluto indicarlo o ha indicato altro.
Abstract: Der Beitrag untersucht, inwiefern sich der „Nahostkonflikt“ auf das Sicherheitsgefühl von in Deutschland lebenden Jüdinnen und Juden auswirkt. Ausgehend vom Theorieansatz der „politisch-kulturellen Gelegenheitsstrukturen“ untersuchen wir, ob das „Nahostkonflikt“ bezogene Sicherheitsgefühl davon abhängt, wie offen oder geschlossen diese Strukturen von den (potenziell) Betroffenen wahrgenommen werden. Unsere Befunde zeigen, dass je günstiger die Gelegenheiten für antisemitische Mobilisierung erscheinen, desto negativer wirkt sich der „Nahostkonflikt“ auf die hiesige jüdische Gemeinschaft aus, weil in der Wahrnehmung der Betroffenen antisemitische Übergriffe nicht angemessen thematisiert und juristisch verfolgt werden. Mittels Daten einer Online-Befragung von in Deutschland lebenden Jüdinnen und Juden (n = 295) weisen wir nach, dass vor allem die Befürchtung, die Bevölkerungsmeinung gegenüber Jüdinnen und Juden in Deutschland hinge mit dem sogenannten „Nahostkonflikt“ eng zusammen, zu einem stärkeren „Nahostkonflikt“ bezogenen Bedrohungsgefühl beiträgt. Misstrauen in die Fähigkeit von Gerichten und Medien, auf Antisemitismus angemessen zu reagieren, sind weitere statistisch signifikante Korrelate.
Abstract: Basierend auf Daten des Jahres 2018 der Fundamental Rights Agency der Europäischen Union ermittelt der vorliegende Beitrag Ausmaß und Faktoren antisemitischer Vorurteilskriminalität in Deutschland. Zum einen werden die Erfahrungen von in Deutschland lebenden Jüdinnen und Juden mit persönlichen Belästigungen und Beleidigungen, Vandalismus und körperlicher Gewalt innerhalb eines Zeitraumes von fünf Jahren vor dem Erhebungszeitpunkt beleuchtet. Zum anderen beschäftigen wir uns mit der geäußerten Furcht, zukünftig Opfer antisemitischer Übergriffe zu werden. Erfahrungen mit Gewalt und Vandalismus berichten 7 % der 1225 Befragten, und 44 % wurden in den letzten fünf Jahren belästigt, weil sie jüdisch sind. Vor allem Personen, die aufgrund des Tragens von Symbolen als Juden erkennbar sind, waren betroffen und vermeiden gelegentlich oder öfter Plätze in der lokalen Umgebung, weil sie sich dort unsicher fühlen. Wenn die Befragten hingegen in einer mehrheitlich jüdischen Nachbarschaft lebten, sank die Wahrscheinlichkeit Opfer von Belästigungen und Gewalttaten zu werden. Belästigt und beleidigt wurden zudem besonders religiöse Menschen und Personen, die die Unterstützung von Israel als sehr wichtig für ihre jüdische Identität erachten. Diese Personen fühlen sich, ebenso wie jene, die dem Erinnern an den Holocaust eine hohe Bedeutung beimessen, zudem stärker bedroht – eine Bestätigung der Vermutung, dass sekundärer und israelbezogener Antisemitismus ein großes Bedrohungspotential in der aktuellen gesellschaftlichen Situation darstellen. Als Reaktion auf die empfundene Bedrohung verzichten die Befragten zwar laut der vorliegenden Befragung nicht auf das Tragen von jüdischen Symbolen, aber stärkere Bedrohungswahrnehmungen korrelieren mit dem Vermeiden von als gefährlich eingeschätzten Plätzen sowie von jüdischen Veranstaltungen.
Abstract: Les différentes réalités de l’antisémitisme sont enfin objectivées.
L’Institut Jonathas présente les résultats du premier sondage réalisé en Belgique sur la perception des Juifs, de l’antisémitisme, des autres minorités et de la guerre en cours à Gaza et en Israël.
Créé en mars 2024, l’Institut Jonathas est un centre d’études et d’action contre l’antisémitisme et contre tout ce qui le favorise en Belgique. Il a demandé à IPSOS d’objectiver et de mesurer, à la veille des élections du 9 juin, les opinions des Belges sur des sujets qui sont au cœur de sa raison d’être.
IPSOS a interrogé, du 8 au 12 mai, un échantillon de 1.000 personnes, représentatif de la population belge de 18 ans et plus, avec le même panel et la même méthodologie que pour les sondages politiques.
En l’absence de sondages pouvant tenir lieu de points de comparaison en Belgique, plusieurs questions ont été reprises de sondages récents menés en France par IPSOS ou par IFOP. Les résultats français sont indiqués ci-après, lorsque la comparaison avec les résultats belges est pertinente.
Le sondage réalisé par IPSOS pour l’Institut Jonathas met en lumière et objective les différentes facettes de l’image des Juifs et de l’antisémitisme dans la société belge :
Une image très moyenne des Juifs, 80 ans après la Shoah.
Des marqueurs d’antisémitisme primaire prégnants dans toutes les composantes de la société belge et sur-représentés à l’extrême-gauche, à l’extrême-droite et chez les musulmans
En plus de ces préjugés « traditionnels » (argent, pouvoir, religion…), des marqueurs d’antisémitisme dit « secondaire », aboutissant à banaliser la Shoah et à nazifier Israël
Une méconnaissance générale des Juifs, du judaïsme et de la réalité de l’antisémitisme en Belgique
Trois premières sources d’antisémitisme en Belgique, selon les Belges : l’hostilité à Israël, l’islamisme radical et les préjugés sur les Juifs
Un écho limité chez les Belges des sujets relatifs à Israël, à la Palestine et à la guerre, à l’exception d’une minorité dont certains éléments souhaitent la destruction de l’Etat d’Israël
Distance ou indifférence d’environ 50% des Belges vis-à-vis de la guerre entre Israël et le Hamas, mais aussi polarisation sur ce conflit de segments précis de la population belge.
La guerre, source d’inquiétude pour les Juifs en Belgique selon la majorité des Belges, mais aussi matière à hostilité contre les Juifs en Belgique pour une minorité de Belges
Un antisémitisme s’inscrivant dans une société belge plutôt tendue et inquiète concernant ses relations avec les différents groupes minoritaires et, en particulier, les musulmans et les Maghrébins.
Abstract: Antisemitismiä on esiintynyt eri muodoissa useimmissa yhteiskunnissa vuosisatojen ajan. Viime vuosina
juutalaisvähemmistöt ovat eri puolilla maailmalla raportoineet lisääntyneistä antisemitistisistä kokemuksista etenkin sen jälkeen, kun äärijärjestö Hamas hyökkäsi Israeliin 7. lokakuuta 2023.
Tämä selvitys keskittyy itsensä juutalaiseksi identifioivien henkilöiden näkemyksiin ja kokemuksiin
antisemitismistä ja syrjinnästä. Se perustuu määrälliseen ja laadulliseen aineistoon. Tutkimus kohdennettiin 16 vuotta täyttäneille henkilöille, jotka pitävät itseään juutalaisina joko uskonnon, kulttuurin,
kasvatuksen, etnisyyden, sukulaisuussuhteen tai muun syyn perusteella, ja jotka tutkimuksen tekohetkellä asuivat Suomessa.
Selvityksen tiedonkeruu toteutettiin kahdessa vaiheessa. Ensin suoritettiin kyselytutkimus (4.10.–
4.11.2023), jossa vastaajat kertoivat mielipiteitään muun muassa antisemitismistä, kohtaamistaan
antisemitistisistä tapauksista joko internetissä tai sen ulkopuolella, huolistaan antisemitistisen hyökkäyksen uhriksi joutumisesta sekä syrjintäkokemuksistaan Suomessa. Kyselyyn vastasi 334 henkilöä, mikä
laskentatavasta riippuen vastaa noin 17–22 prosenttia Suomessa asuvista juutalaisista. Tutkimuksen
toisessa vaiheessa järjestettiin kaksi fokusryhmähaastattelua, joihin osallistui henkilöitä kuudesta eri
juutalaisjärjestöstä. Heiltä kysyttiin antisemitismin vaikutuksista järjestöjen toimintaan ja jäsenistön elämään. Molemmat fokusryhmähaastattelut toteutettiin 15. marraskuuta 2023.
Vastaajista suurin osa ilmoitti, että antisemitismi on lisääntynyt Suomessa viiden viime vuoden aikana. Vastaajat arvioivat, että suurin ongelma on internetissä ja sosiaalisessa mediassa ilmenevä antisemitismi, ja seuraavaksi suurinta ongelma on mediassa ja poliittisessa elämässä.
Kyselyn tuloksien ja fokusryhmähaastattelujen pohjalta laadittiin suosituksia antisemitismin torjumiseksi, juutalaisvähemmistön turvallisuuden edistämiseksi ja juutalaisen kulttuurin suojaamiseksi myös
moninkertaisten vähemmistöjen näkökulmasta. Suosituksia annettiin myös koulutukseen, juutalaisiin
kohdistuvan väkivallan, syrjinnän ja viharikosten ehkäisyyn, juutalaisen elämän ja kulttuurin turvaamiseen sekä juutalaisuuden tutkimukseen.
Abstract: Seventy years have passed since the Holocaust, but this cataclysmic event continues to reverberate in the present. In this research, we examine attributions about the causes of the Holocaust and the influence of such attributions on intergroup relations. Three representative surveys were conducted among Germans, Poles, and Israeli Jews to examine inter- and intragroup variations in attributions for the Holocaust and how these attributions influence intergroup attitudes. Results indicated that Germans made more external than internal attributions and were especially low in attributing an evil essence to their ancestors. Israelis and Poles mainly endorsed the obedient essence attribution and were lowest on attribution to coercion. These attributions, however, were related to attitudes towards contemporary Germany primarily among Israeli Jews. The more they endorsed situationist explanations, and the less they endorsed the evil essence explanation, the more positive their attitude to Germany. Among Germans, attributions were related to a higher motivation for historical closure, except for the obedience attribution that was related to low desire for closure. Israelis exhibited a low desire for historical closure especially when attribution for evil essence was high. These findings suggest that lay perceptions of history are essential to understanding contemporary intergroup processes.
Abstract: This landmark study provides a detailed and updated profile of how British Jews understand and live their Jewish lives. It is based on JPR’s National Jewish Identity Survey, conducted in November-December 2022 among nearly 5,000 members of the JPR research panel. It is the largest survey of its kind and the most comprehensive study of Jewish identity to date.
The report, written by Dr David Graham and Dr Jonathan Boyd, covers a variety of key themes in contemporary Jewish life, including religious belief and affiliation, Jewish education and cultural consumption, Jewish ethnicity, Zionism and attachment to Israel, antisemitism, charitable giving and volunteering, and the relationship between community engagement and happiness.
Some of the key findings in this report:
Just 34% of British Jews believe in God ‘as described in the Bible’. However, over half of British Jewish adults belong to a synagogue and many more practice aspects of Jewish religious culture.
94% of Jews in the UK say that moral and ethical behaviour is an important part of their Jewish identities. Nearly 9 out of 10 British Jews reported making at least one charitable donation yearly.
88% of British Jews have been to Israel at least once, and 73% say that they feel very or somewhat attached to the country. However, the proportion identifying as ‘Zionists’ has fallen from 72% to 63% over the past decade.
Close to a third of all British Jewish adults personally experienced some kind of antisemitic incident in the year before the survey, a much higher number than that recorded in police or community incident counts.
Abstract: This cross-sectional study follows Open Science principles in estimating relationships between antisemitism, i.e. anti-Jewish bigotry, and conspiracy belief, i.e. endorsement of conspiracy theories, through analysis of data collected from a representative sample of UK adults (n=1722). Antisemitism was measured using the Generalized Antisemitism scale, and conspiracy belief was measured using the Generic Conspiracist Beliefs scale. Positive relationships were found to exist between all forms of antisemitism and all types of conspiracy belief, and an average across all items of the Generic Conspiracist Beliefs scale was found to predict Generalized Antisemitism at least as well as any individual type of conspiracy belief. On a more detailed level, antisemitic attitudes relating to British Jews were found to be most strongly associated with belief in conspiracies relating to personal well-being, while antisemitic attitudes relating to the State of Israel and its supporters were found to be most strongly associated with belief in conspiracies relating to government malfeasance. Generalized Antisemitism itself was found to be most strongly associated with belief in malevolent global conspiracies. Exploratory analysis additionally examined the effect of standard demographic variables that had been introduced into the main analysis as controls. Through this means, it was found that antisemitic attitudes relating both to Jews qua Jews and to Israel and its supporters are more prevalent among less highly educated people and members of other-than-white ethnic groups, while antisemitic attitudes relating to Israel and its supporters are more common among younger people. In addition, it was found that female gender is associated with reduced antisemitic attitudes relating to Jews qua Jews and also with increased antisemitic attitudes relating to Israel and its supporters. However, the addition of demographic controls did not explain any additional variance in Generalized Antisemitism beyond that which was already explained by conspiracy belief – perhaps suggesting that demographic characteristics are more strongly associated with the inclination towards particular expressions of antisemitism than with antisemitism itself.
Abstract: In den Jahren 1985 und 1986 wurde die Öffentlichkeit durch eine Häu fung antisemitischer Vorfälle in der Bundesrepublik und in Österreich aufgeschreckt. Besonders die heftige Auseinandersetzung um die Präsi dentschaftswahl in Österreich machte in Polemiken und Leserbriefen sichtbar, daß antijüdische Ressentiments vorhanden und mobilisierbar sind. Da die Größe dieses Potentials unbekannt war, entsprechende Umfragen lagen mehr als ein Jahrzehnt zurück, nahm die Anti-Defa mation League (ADL), New York, mit österreichischen und deutschen Forschungseinrichtungen Kontakt auf, um Antworten auf diese Frage zu erhalten. Die ADL-Direktoren Abraham H. Foxman und Theodore Freedman traten 1986 mit der Bitte an Professor Dr. Herbert A. Strauss, den Lei ter des Zentrums für Antisemitismusforschung der Technischen Uni versität Berlin, heran, die wissenschaftliche Konzeption für eine Re präsentativbefragung zum gegenwärtigen Antisemitismus in der Bun desrepublik Deutschland auszuarbeiten. Ohne die Initiative und die Finanzierung der ADL, für die wir hiermit danken, wäre es dem Zen trum für Antisemitismusforschung nicht möglich gewesen, ein derartig umfangreiches und teures Forschungsprojekt in Angriff zu nehmen. Das Recht, die Daten der Umfrage einer eigenen Auswertung zu unter ziehen, verschaffte dem Zentrum die empirische Basis, seine Forschun gen zum Antisemitismus erstmals auch auf die Gegenwart auszudeh nen.
Abstract: Im Jahr 2021 wurden in Deutschland 3.028 antisemitische Straftaten erfasst. Dies ist der höchste jemals gemessene Wert seit Beginn der Erfassung in der polizeilichen Kriminalstatistik im Jahr 2001. Allerdings handelt es sich bei dieser Zahl nur um einen Ausschnitt, da sich das Problem des Antisemitismus in der deutschen Gesellschaft nicht allein auf Straftaten reduzieren lässt. So wichtig es natürlich ist, dass jede antisemitische Straftat entschlossen und mit allen rechtsstaatlichen Möglichkeiten verfolgt wird, muss der Kampf gegen Judenhass in einem breiten Kontext verstanden und adressiert werden. Denn die antisemitischen Vorfälle sind Ausdruck und Ergebnis eines gesamtgesellschaftlichen Klimas, in welchem antisemitische Stereotype und Ressentiments weit verbreitet und akzeptiert sind. Neben den Straftaten kommt eine große Zahl antisemitischer Vorfälle unterhalb der Strafbarkeitsgrenze hinzu, wie sie der Bundesverband der Recherche- und Informationsstelle Antisemitismus (RIAS) jährlich in seinem Bericht dokumentiert. Zudem gilt es zu bedenken, dass sowohl die Straftaten als auch die von RIAS dokumentierten Vorfälle nur jene sind, die zur Anzeige gebracht beziehungsweise gemeldet wurden. Die European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) kam im Jahr 2018 im Rahmen einer Befragung von Jüdinnen und Juden in zwölf europäischen Ländern zu dem Ergebnis, dass überhaupt nur 20 Prozent der Betroffenen antisemitische Straftaten zur Anzeige bringen oder anderweitig melden. Es ist also davon auszugehen, dass die Dunkelziffer nochmals erheblich höher ist.
Aufgrund dieser Erkenntnisse hat das American Jewish Committee (AJC) das Institut für Demoskopie Allensbach (IFD) mit der vorliegenden repräsentativen Umfrage beauftragt.
Und die Ergebnisse sind erneut ein Grund zur Sorge. Zwar zeigen die Daten nicht, dass antisemitische Einstellungen in der Bevölkerung stark zugenommen haben, dennoch bestätigen sie, dass ein beachtlicher Teil der deutschen Bevölkerung antisemitische Stereotype und Ressentiments teilen, wie es seit Jahren konstant in anderen Umfragen nachgewiesen wurde. Dabei haben wir auch untersuchen lassen, wie verbreitet diese Einstellungen unter den Wählerinnen und Wählern der sechs im Bundestag vertretenen Parteien sind. Die Ergebnisse verdeutlichen abermals, dass Antisemitismus nicht allein ein Problem der politischen Ränder ist, sondern in der Mitte der Gesellschaft tief verankert ist. Hier sind deshalb ausnahmslos alle demokratischen Parteien gefordert, diese Realität anzuerkennen und entsprechend zu handeln. Auch deswegen können wir nur davor warnen, dass das Thema Antisemitismus als Gegenstand parteipolitischer Auseinandersetzungen genutzt wird. Die demokratischen Parteien sollten es vielmehr als ihre Aufgabe begreifen, über sonstige politische Differenzen hinaus zusammenzustehen und Antisemitismus gemeinsam entschlossen zu bekämpfen.
Im Gegensatz zu vielen bisherigen Studien haben wir im Rahmen dieser Untersuchung auch die Einstellungen von Musliminnen und Muslimen in Deutschland abgefragt. Ausschlaggebend waren hierbei nicht zuletzt die antisemitischen Ausschreitungen hierzulande im Mai 2021 während der israelischen Selbstverteidigungsmaßnahmen gegen den Raketenbeschuss der islamistischen Terrororganisation Hamas. Wenngleich es in der Vergangenheit immer wieder zu antisemitischen Ausschreitungen vor dem Hintergrund derartiger Auseinandersetzungen gekommen ist, so waren jene im vergangenen Jahr nicht nur erheblich gewalttätiger, sondern es zogen zum ersten Mal anti-israelische Demonstrationen in verschiedenen Städten gezielt vor Synagogen. Nur das Eingreifen der Polizei, wenn auch zum Teil verspätet, konnte Schlimmeres verhindern. Im Zuge dieser Proteste kam es zu zahlreichen antisemitischen Vorfällen, Bedrohungen und körperlichen Angriffen. Allerdings hat sich die quantitative Sozialforschung, zumindest in Deutschland, diesem Phänomen bisher nur unzureichend gewidmet. Dies ist umso überraschender, da in der bereits erwähnten Studie der FRA befragte Jüdinnen und Juden in Deutschland auf die Frage, welchem Spektrum sie den schlimmsten antisemitischen Vorfall, der ihnen in den letzten 5 Jahren widerfahren ist, zuordnen, mit 41 Prozent die Täterinnen und Täter als „Someone with a Muslim extremist view“ angaben. Unter den zwölf befragten Ländern war dies der höchste Wert in dieser Kategorie. Und die Ergebnisse der vorliegenden Umfrage bestätigen, dass antisemitische Stereotype und Ressentiments in dieser Bevölkerungsgruppe durchgängig deutlich stärker vertreten sind als im Bevölkerungsdurchschnitt. Wie die Umfrage aber auch belegt, bedeutet dies selbstredend nicht, dass Antisemitismus allein ein Problem der muslimischen Community ist. Allerdings kann dieses immense Problem auch nicht ausgeblendet werden, wenn der Kampf gegen Antisemitismus erfolgreich sein soll.
Abstract: Campaigning organisation Avaaz commissioned ICM Unlimited to conduct a nationally representative poll to look into attitudes of the British public towards Jews and Muslims.
Some of the key findings include:
Overall, just under half of British adults say that they have a positive view of Jews (47%), while 7% say that they have a negative view. When it comes to Muslims, the British public’s attitudes are more unfavourable. A quarter say that they have a negative view of Muslims (26%), while a third say that they have a positive view (32%).
2017 Conservative voters are more likely than those who voted Labour to have a negative view of Muslims. Just under four in ten of those who voted Conservative in 2017 say that they have a negative view of Muslims (37%), more than double the proportion of those who voted Labour who have a negative view (16%).
A greater proportion of people agree than disagree for four of the five statements about Muslims/Islam that Avaaz tested. That is, more people agree than disagree that: Islam threatens the British way of life (45% agree vs. 31% disagree), Islamophobia in Britain is a response to the everyday behaviour of Muslims (36% vs. 34%), parts of the UK are under Sharia law (33% vs. 28%), and that there should be a reduction in the number of Muslims entering Britain (41% vs. 25%). The only statement with which more people disagree than agree is: ‘Islamic terrorism reflects the views of the Muslim community in Britain’ (26% agree vs. 49% disagree).
Six in ten 2017 Conservative voters agree that ‘Islam threatens the British way of life’ (62%), compared to 35% of 2017 Labour voters.
When it comes to attitudes towards Jews, just over one in seven of people agree that ‘Jews have disproportionate influence in politics’ (15%). Among 2017 Labour voters, this figure rises to one in five (20%), compared to one in seven 2017 Conservative voters (14%).
Abstract: Od dłuższego czasu próbuję dowieść tezy, że obecnie w Polsce postawy antysemickie, a więc postawy wrogości i niechęci do Żydów, nie występują jako odrębne, niezależne od innych. Jeśli mamy do czynienia z aktywnymi postawami antysemickimi, takimi, które nakazują rozejrzeć się wokół, czy nie ma obok jakiegoś Żyda – a więc także osoby żydowskiego pochodzenia, która udaje nie-Żyda – najczęściej nie występują one w Polsce samodzielnie. Stanowią na ogół część ogólniejszego obrazu świata, zideologizowanego światopoglądu, w którego centrum znajduje się kwestia narodu, jego powołania, jego cech i katolickiego charakteru oraz, rzecz jasna, jego wrogów i przeciwników.
Abstract: Racism and racial prejudice, considered a relic of obsolete and outdated social systems, is emerging in the depths of ultra-modern Western societies with different characteristics from the past but with a surprising and worrying virulence. These waves of prejudice and racism testify to the many fears that fill the horizons of advanced societies, undermining not only their internal reliability, but also just their democratic settings. This paper presents a critical review of Islamophobia as a racial prejudice, showing that two main definitions are at work: Islamophobia as xeno-racism or linked to the so-called clash of civilizations. Then, it presents the outcomes coming from a Computer Assisted Telephone Interview (CATI) survey led among a representative sample of the Italian population (n = 1,523) on Antisemitic and Islamophobic attitudes. The cogency and structure of anti-Muslim public discourse and connected mass attitudes, revealed by our investigation, confirm the emergency of these two relevant dimensions of Islamophobia, which claim for a more accurate definition of Islamophobia. Moreover, the distribution of anti-Semitic and Islamophobic attitudes illustrate an interesting overlapping of Islamophobia and Antisemitism which claims that racism is multi-targeted and that there is not so much options between Antisemitism and Islamophobia. Finally, we use three main variables—anomie, ethnocentrism, and authoritarianism—as predictors of Islamophobia and Antisemitism. We tested the strength of these three predictors with the aid of path technique based on multiple regression analysis, which helps to determine the direct and indirect impacts of certain independent variables on dependent variables in a hypothetical causal system.
Abstract: The Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (Claims Conference), commissioned Schoen Cooperman Research to conduct a comprehensive national study of Holocaust Knowledge and Awareness in the United Kingdom
(England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland). Schoen Cooperman Research conducted 2,000 interviews in the United Kingdom with adults aged 18 and over between September 29 – October 17, 2021. The margin of error is two percent.
The United Kingdom study finds that 89 percent say they have definitely heard about the Holocaust, and three quarters (75 percent) know that the Holocaust refers to the extermination of Jewish people. That being said, there are significant gaps in Holocaust Knowledge and Awareness in the United Kingdom.
The majority of UK respondents surveyed (52 percent) do not know that six million Jews were killed in the Holocaust. Further, a majority of UK citizens (57 percent) believe that fewer people seem to care about the Holocaust today than they used to, and 56 percent believe that something like the Holocaust could happen again today.
Abstract: The Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (Claims Conference) commissioned Schoen Cooperman Research to conduct a comprehensive national study of Holocaust Knowledge and Awareness in the Netherlands.
Schoen Cooperman Research conducted 2,000 interviews across the Netherlands. The margin of error for the study is 2 percent. This memo presents our key research findings and compares these findings with prior Claims Conference studies, which were conducted in five other countries.
Our latest study finds significant gaps in Holocaust knowledge and awareness in the Netherlands, as well as widespread concern that Holocaust denial and Holocaust distortion are problems in the Netherlands today.
We found that 23 percent of Dutch Millennials and Gen Z respondents believe the Holocaust is a myth, or that it occurred but the number of Jews who died has been greatly exaggerated – the highest percentage among Millennials and Gen Z respondents in all six countries the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against
Germany has previously studied.
Further, 29 percent of Dutch respondents, including 37 percent of Dutch Millennials and Gen Z respondents believe that two million or fewer Jews were killed during the Holocaust. Moreover, despite the fact that more than 70 percent of the Netherlands’ Jewish population perished during the Holocaust, a majority of Dutch respondents (53
percent), including 60 percent of Dutch Millennials and Gen Z, do not cite the Netherlands as a country where the Holocaust took place. Finally, 53 percent of Dutch respondents believe that something like the Holocaust
could happen again today.
Abstract: The ADL Global 100: An Index of AntisemitismTM is the most extensive poll on antisemitic attitudes ever conducted, involving 102 countries and territories. The ADL Global 100: An Index of Antisemitism has provided crucial insights into national and regional attitudes toward Jews around the world, the levels of acceptance of antisemitic stereotypes and knowledge of the Holocaust.
In 2023, ADL released a focused survey that included 10 European countries: Belgium, France, Germany, Hungary, Netherlands, Poland, Russia, Spain, Ukraine and the United Kingdom.
First conducted in 2014, with follow up surveys in select countries since that time, this data is utilized by policy makers, researchers, Jewish communities, NGOs and journalists around the globe. The findings allow understanding of the magnitude of antisemitic attitudes around the world, and exactly which anti-Jewish beliefs are the most seriously entrenched.
The 2023 survey found that roughly one out of every four residents of the European countries polled for the 2023 survey harbored antisemitic attitudes. This result is consistent with the survey’s 2019 findings, showing that antisemitism continues to be entrenched across Europe. At least one in three respondents in Western European countries believe that Jews are more loyal to Israel than the countries they reside in. In Eastern Europe, the most commonly held stereotypes is that of Jewish economic control and the perception of Jews as clannish.
Among the questions asked of respondents, 11 questions measuring general acceptance of various negative Jewish stereotypes were used to compile an index that has served as a benchmark for ADL polling around the world since 1964. Survey respondents who said at least 6 out of the 11 statements are “probably true” are considered to harbor antisemitic attitudes.
The survey was fielded between November 2022 and January 2023 with 500 nationally representative samples in each of the eight European countries and 1,000 nationally representative samples in Russia and Ukraine, respectively.
Abstract: Two cross-sectional studies were carried out in order to identify predictors of antisemitism, measured using the Generalised Antisemitism or GeAs scale. In the first, which used a self-selecting sample of UK-resident adults (n = 809), age, gender, ethnicity, and educational level as well as a wide range of ideological predictors were analysed as bivariate predictors of antisemitism. In the second, which used a representative sample of UK-resident adults (n = 1853), the same demographic predictors plus the non-demographic predictors found to have the strongest bivariate relationships with Generalised Antisemitism in the previous study were used to construct a linear model with multiple predictors. Ethnicity, support for totalitarian government, belief in malevolent global conspiracies, and anti-hierarchical aggression were identified as the strongest predictors of Generalised Antisemitism. However, support for totalitarian government was only found to predict ‘old’ antisemitic attitudes (measured using the Judeophobic Antisemitism or JpAs subscale) and not ‘new’ antisemitic attitudes (measured using the Antizionist Antisemitism or AzAs subscale), whereas ethnicity, anti-hierarchical aggression, and belief in malevolent global conspiracies were found to predict both ‘old’ and ‘new’ antisemitic attitudes. This finding adds nuance to ongoing debates about whether antisemitism is more prevalent on the political right or left, by suggesting that (at least in the UK) it is instead associated with a conspiracist view of the world, a desire to overturn the social order, and a preference for authoritarian forms of government—all of which may exist on the right, the left, and elsewhere. Data from both samples are open, as is the code used in order to carry out the analyses presented here.
Abstract: Existing scholarship on contemporary antisemitism tends to sacrifice breadth for depth, typically focusing on a specific dimension of the phenomenon or a single national or ideological context. This myopia threatens to limit our understanding of current antisemitism because separate parts of a complex picture are studied in isolation, and because crucial questions about temporal and cross-national variation remain understudied. To help remedy this situation, this article introduces a more comprehensive conceptual and empirical framework along with a new dataset intended to encourage the study of antisemitism as a multidimensional, cross-national, and dynamic phenomenon. The framework provides a model for studying antisemitism in four core dimensions—attitudes, incidents, cultural imagery, and Jews’ exposure—and specifies relevant variables and indicators, thus facilitating future research and data collection efforts. To supplement the framework, the article introduces a new dataset (DIMA—Dimensions of Antisemitism) featuring publicly available data covering three of the four dimensions: attitudes, incidents, and exposure. Based on patterns emerging from these data, hypotheses for further study are suggested. These contributions are intended to prepare the ground for a new and theoretically more ambitious research agenda in the field of contemporary antisemitism research.
Abstract: The stereotyped content of outgroups denotes intergroup relations. Based on this notion, Susan Fiske and colleagues (2002, https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.82.6.878) created the stereotype content model (SCM), which links two dimensions, warmth and competence, with social structure. The structure of intergroup relations is not stable in time, nor is it shaped instantly. Based on the assumptions of SCM we predict that the history of intergroup relations is in part responsible for stereotypes. In order to test the hypothesis we reanalysed five Polish nationwide, representative surveys (total N = 4834). The studies followed a similar procedure for data collection, and each study asked an open-ended question about the traits of two ethnic groups (Jews and Germans). Answers were listed and coded using competent judges. The averages of the judges’ codes were used as indicators of stereotype content and an analysis of regional differences was conducted. Several significant results were obtained and are interpreted in line with warm – competition and competence – status relations. The results show that several historical situations and events, such as pre-WWII social structure or post-war migrations and territorial changes, can be linked to contemporary stereotypes.
Abstract: What do Jews in the UK think in regard to Israel’s military conflict with Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Gaza? This report looks into the opinions of over 4,000 of JPR’s Research Panel members, following the May 2021 conflict between the sides. Respondents were asked to state how much they agree or disagree with two different statements: “Israel’s government handled the military aspects of the conflict appropriately” and “Israel’s government engaged in the conflict primarily for political rather than military reasons”.
The report finds that overall, Jews support Israel’s right to defend itself militarily but that this support is not uncritical. Moreover, Jews in the UK do not hold uniform views on Israel: levels of attachment to Israel, support for Britain’s Labour Party and holding a degree level qualification were found to be the key predictors of attitudes.
Some of the key findings in this report:
57% of the respondents agreed that Israel’s government handled the military aspects of the conflict appropriately, while 33% disagreed.
42% of the respondents agreed that Israel’s government engaged in the conflict primarily for political rather than military reasons, while 47% disagreed.
The main predictor of attitudes about this conflict is a person’s level of emotional attachment to Israel. Those with stronger feeling of attachment are more willing to give Israel the benefit of the doubt, independent of other variables such as political stance, religiosity and education.
In general, respondents who felt more weakly attached to Israel, or who were younger or more secular, or politically leftist, or university educated, were more likely to hold a more critical stance than those who were older, or more religious, or politically rightist, or non-university educated
Abstract: On the basis of a new heuristic model of anti-Semitism, researchers are able to distinguish between new and old aspects of anti-Semitic attitudes. The results of two studies suggest that anti-Semitism in Germany contains very different aspects and the data fit the new theoretical model. Both traditional aspects, like "manifest anti-Semitism," as well as new forms of anti-Semitic attitudes, like "latent anti-Semitism," "rejection of responsibility for Jews," "anti-Israeli attitudes," and "anti-Zionism," were found. Furthermore, we identified various anti-Semitic attitudes with different predictive elements. Individuals with extreme anti-Semitic attitudes differ significantly from those without anti-Semitic attitudes with regard to the extent of authoritarianism, readiness for violence, approval of the repetition of National Socialism, and political orientation. The comparison between the two general concepts, authoritarianism and social dominance orientation, demonstrated that authoritarianism has greater utility in explaining separate aspects of old and new anti-Semitic attitudes. The implications of these findings are discussed.
Abstract: The fear and hatred of others who are different has economic consequences because such feelings are likely to translate into discrimination in labor, credit, housing, and other markets. The implications range from earnings inequality to intergenerational mobility. Using German data from 1996 and 2006, we analyze the determinants of racist and xenophobic feelings towards foreigners in general, and against specific groups such as Italians, Turks, and Asylum Seekers. We also analyze racist and anti-Semitic feelings towards German citizens who differ in ethnicity (Aussiedler from Eastern Europe) or in religion (German Jews). Individuals’ perceived (or actual) economic well-being is negatively related to the strength of these feelings. Education, and having contact with foreigners mitigate racist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic feelings. People who live in states which had provided above-median support of the Nazi party in the 1928 elections have stronger anti-Semitic feelings today. The results are not gender-driven. They are not an artifact of economic conditions triggering feelings about job priority for German males, and they are not fully driven by fears about foreigners taking away jobs. The results of the paper are consistent with the model of Glaeser (Q J Econ 120(1):45–86, 2005) on hate, and with that of Akerlof and Kranton (Q J Econ 105(3):715–753, 2000; J Econ Perspect 19(1):9–32, 2005) on identity in the utility function.
