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Date: 2026
Abstract: This research paper examines safety perceptions among Jewish minorities at European places of worship (PoWs) between October 2023 and April 2024. The study utilizes PROTONE survey data from Belgium (N = 571), Germany (N = 734), Spain (N = 1198), and Italy (N = 895), specifically comparing 79 Jewish and 3,318 non-Jewish respondents. Qualitative components include 43 interviews with faith leaders (including 16 Rabbis) and five focus groups conducted in Brussels, Berlin, Rome, and Madrid. Grounded in postsecularism, vulnerability assessment models, and securitization theories, the research explores how threats and security measures shape feelings of insecurity. Key findings indicate that violent attacks and property damage strongly predict perceived unsafety. Comparative analysis reveals that Jewish respondents perceive significantly higher levels of anti-Semitic hostility and hate crimes than non-Jewish groups perceive regarding their own communities. While positive community and authority relations marginally mitigate fear, structural vulnerabilities like outdated infrastructure persist. Attitudes toward security vary; CCTV is universally accepted, but armed guards raise concerns about carization. Generational differences appear, with younger Jewish individuals reporting notably higher anxiety and avoidance behaviors. The study contextualizes these findings within broader socio-cultural and political processes, highlighting the dual role of Jewish PoWs as essential and sacred sites for spiritual fulfillment and robust local communal resilience.
Date: 2025
Abstract: Seit dem Massaker des 7. Oktober 2023 tritt die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) verstärkt als pro-israelische Partei auf. In Statements und Grundsatztexten propagiert sie sich als einzige deutsche Partei, die sich für israelische Interessen und den Schutz jüdischen Lebens in Deutschland einsetzt.

Diese Selbstdarstellung findet international durchaus Aufmerksamkeit. Nach Einschätzungen unterschiedlicher Medien wird die AfD zunehmend als eine jener europäischen Rechtsparteien wahrgenommen, die sich verstärkt pro-israelisch positionieren. In Deutschland widersprechen jüdische Organisationen und israelische Stimmen vehement dieser Selbstdarstellung und verweisen auf antisemitische Tendenzen in der AfD.

Tatsächlich ist die „Israel-Solidarität“ der AfD vor allem instrumenteller Natur. Sie dient insbesondere der Legitimierung von Muslimfeindlichkeit, dem Angriff auf politische Gegner und der Ablenkung von rechtsextremen, revisionistischen und religionsfeindlichen Positionen.

Vor allem die politische Bildung ist aufgerufen, das Bewusstsein für die Unvereinbarkeit von pro-israelischer AfD-Rhetorik nach außen und diskriminierender AfD-Politik nach innen zum Gegenstand zu machen. Durch Aufklärung und kritische Auseinandersetzung kann sie den rein instrumentellen Charakter dieser Positionierungen auch international sichtbar machen. Wichtige Verbündete bei diesen Bemühungen sind etablierte jüdische und israelnahe Akteure und Organisationen in Deutschland, die sowohl die Doppelbödigkeit der AfD-Rhetorik durchschauen als auch israelische Wahrnehmungen und Positionen einordnen können.
Date: 2026
Author(s): Schubert, Kai E.
Date: 2026
Author(s): Gutfleisch, Henning
Date: 2026
Date: 2026
Date: 2025
Date: 2019
Abstract: The Nazis and their cohorts stole mercilessly from the Jews of Europe. In the aftermath of the Holocaust, returning survivors had to navigate unclear and hostile legal paths to recover their stolen property from governments and neighbors who often had been complicit in their persecution and theft. While the return of Nazi-looted art and recent legal settlements involving dormant Swiss bank accounts, unpaid insurance policies and use of slave labor by German companies have been well-publicized, efforts by Holocaust survivors and heirs over the last 70 years to recover stolen land and buildings were forgotten. In 2009, 47 countries convened in Prague to deal with the lingering problem of restitution of prewar private, communal, and heirless property stolen during the Holocaust. The outcome was the Terezin Declaration on Holocaust Era Assets and Related Issues, aiming to “rectify the consequences” of the wrongful Nazi-era immovable property seizures. This book sets forth the legal history of Holocaust immovable property restitution in each of the Terezin Declaration signatory states. It also analyzes how each of the 47 countries has fulfilled the standards of the Guidelines and Best Practices of the Terezin Declaration. These standards were issued in 2010 in conjunction with the establishment of the European Shoah Legacy Institute (ESLI), a state-sponsored NGO created to monitor compliance. The book is based on the Holocaust (Shoah) Immovable Property Restitution Study commissioned by ESLI, written by the authors and issued in Brussels in 2017 before the European Parliament.
Date: 2024
Abstract: The World Wide Web (WWW) and digitisation have become important sites and tools for the history of the Holocaust and its commemoration. Today, some memory institutions use the Internet at a high professional level as a venue for self-presentation and as a forum for the discussion of Holocaust-related topics for potentially international, transcultural and interdisciplinary user groups. At the same time, it is not always the established institutions that utilise the technical possibilities and potential of the Internet to the maximum. Creative and sometimes controversial new forms of storytelling of the Holocaust or more traditional ways of remembering the genocide presented in a new way with digital media often come from people or groups who are not in the realm of influence of the large memorial sites, museums and archives. Such "private" stagings have experienced a particular upswing since the boom of social media. This democratisation of Holocaust memory and history is crucial though it is as yet undecided how much it will ultimately reinforce old structures and cultural, regional or other inequalities or reinvent them.

The “Digital space” as an arbitrary and limitless archive for the mediation of the Holocaust spanning from Russia to Brazil is at the centre of the essays collected in this volume. This space is also considered as a forum for negotiation, a meeting place and a battleground for generations and stories and as such offers the opportunity to reconsider the transgenerational transmission of trauma, family histories and communication. Here it becomes evident: there are new societal intentions and decision-making structures that exceed the capabilities of traditional mass media and thrive on the participation of a broad public.
Author(s): Kahmann, Bodo
Date: 2017
Abstract: Since the turn of the millennium a growing number of European populist radical-right parties have taken to criticizing antisemitism and embracing Israel's cause in its conflict with the Palestinians. This development raises the question of whether, for the first time in European history, we are confronting radical-right politics that is not antisemitic. Kahmann’s article approaches this recent development on the extreme right-wing spectrum of European parties from an empirical perspective: he analyses the manner in which leading representatives of the Belgian Vlaams Belang (VB), the Sweden Democrats (SD) and the (now-defunct) German party Die Freiheit have articulated their anti-antisemitism and their solidarity with Israel, and the conclusions that are thereby suggested with regard to the underlying image of Jews and Israel. Kahmann's analysis shows that the pro-Israel and anti-antisemitic turn serves primarily as a pretext for fending off Muslim immigrants, which is claimed as a contribution to the security of the Jewish population. Furthermore, it shows that the right-wing ideal of an ethnically homogeneous nation results in the perception of Jews as members of a foreign nation and in the cultivation of stereotyped images of Jews. For these parties, the status of the Jewish population in the respective European states remains therefore precarious: Jews are merely granted the status of a tolerated minority as long as they are not considered to pose any threat to the ‘native’ culture. The conflict between Israelis and Palestinians serves in this context as a convenient screen on which to project the popular right-wing narrative of a battle between the Judaeo-Christian Occident and the Muslim world.
Date: 2023
Author(s): Munzer, Stephen R.
Date: 2015
Abstract: After an appellate court made circumcision of minors effectively illegal in the absence of a medical justification, the German Parliament passed a statute that restored, with some limitations, the right of parents to seek ritual circumcisions for their sons. Between these events, a fierce controversy broke out in Germany involving Jews, Muslims, and other Germans. Whereas circumcision without medical indication is rare among most Germans, it is a common religious practice in Jewish and Muslim communities in Germany. The debate tapped into ongoing discussions of German cultural norms, German secularization, and a long history of antiSemitism and a much shorter history of anti-Muslim sentiment in Germany. It also tapped into the religious and traditional practices –
sometimes converging, sometimes diverging – of Jews and Muslims. This Article discusses the range of opinions on religious circumcision among Germans and other Europeans. It disentangles the social factors at work in the debate and analyzes the court decision and the new statute. It also examines some recent decisions under the new statute and explores problems with the statute’s application. Given that roughly 700 million boys worldwide have undergone ritual circumcision, the German controversy has global implications.
This Article shows that at day’s end, the debate turns on issues of toleration and multiculturalism. It is scarcely possible to resolve this debate without asking, “What is a child?” If a child is a proto-member of his parents’ religious community and has only a weak right to bodily integrity, or if the risk-benefit ratio favors circumcision and the parents have a broad scope of consent, then circumcision without medical indication might be legally and morally permissible. Parents might then have discretion to place on his body a permanent physical symbol of his expected or hoped for religious affiliation as an adult. Yet if a child has a strong right to bodily integrity, and circumcision is not medically indicated, then the permanent physical modification of his body with a symbol of Jewish or Muslim identity might be problematic, and circumcising him for aesthetic or other nonreligious reasons might likewise
be problematic.
Date: 2019
Date: 2023
Abstract: Im vorliegenden Studienbericht werden die zentralen Befunde aus einer in Sachsen-Anhalt in den Jahren 2021–2023 durchgeführten Studie zu Antisemitismus im institutionellen Kontext Schule vorgestellt und diskutiert. Die Studie ist Teil einer Bundesländerstudienreihe, die seit 2017 am Forschungsbereich des Kompetenzzentrums für Antisemitismuskritische Bildung und Forschung durchgeführt wird – seit 2021 in einer institutionalisierten Forschungskooperation mit der Fachhochschule Potsdam.
Im Rahmen der Studienreihe wurden neben der Studie in Sachsen-Anhalt regionale Studien in Berlin, Baden-Württemberg, Thüringen und Sachsen umgesetzt.
In einer bundesweiten Familienstudie wurden zudem Erfahrungen mit Antisemitismus an Schulen aus den Perspektiven jüdischer Jugendlicher und jüdischer Familien untersucht. Diese Befunde fließen in die Bundesländerstudienreihe mit ein und bilden die Grundlage für die Analyse jüdischer Erfahrungen im Kontext der Institution Schule. Das Erkenntnisinteresse der Bundesländerstudien betrifft in erster Linie die Wahrnehmungen, Deutungen und Praktiken im Umgang mit Antisemitismus in der Institution Schule aus den Perspektiven von (ehemaligen) jüdischen Schüler*innen, Lehrkräften und weiteren schulischen Fachkräften. Die vertiefenden Untersuchungen in einzelnen Bundesländern als Teil der Bundesländerstudienreihe sollen zudem
die Berücksichtigung regionaler gesellschaftlicher, bildungspolitischer und historischer Spezifika im Umgang mit Antisemitismus sowie langfristig einen Vergleich zwischen den Bundesländern ermöglichen.
In diesem Bericht gehen wir zunächst auf den Hintergrund der Studie in Sachsen-Anhalt ein, skizzieren exemplarisch den Forschungsstand, ordnen den methodologischen Zugang zu Antisemitismus als Diskriminierungs- und Gewaltform im institutionellen Kontext Schule ein, erläutern das Forschungsdesign und diskutieren schließlich die Befunde und Reflexionsempfehlungen. Zu beachten ist, dass die Daten vor dem antisemitischen Massaker durch islamistische Terrorgruppen in Israel im Oktober 2023 und dem darauffolgenden Anstieg des offenen Antisemitismus in Deutschland erhoben wurden. Dieser Bericht gibt somit vertiefte Einblicke in den Umgang mit Antisemitismus im Schulalltag in Sachsen-Anhalt aus jüdischen und nichtjüdischen Perspektiven vor dem Terror des 7. Oktobers. Studienteilnehmende einer anderen Studie (vgl. Chernivsky / Lorenz-Sinai 2024 b) zu den Auswirkungen des 7. Oktobers auf jüdische und israelische Communities beschreiben die Folgen des Terrorangriffs als weitreichende »Zäsur«. Jüdische Eltern schildern ihre Sorgen, dass die Bekanntgabe der jüdischen Identität ihrer Kinder im Kontext Schule gegen sie genutzt werden könnte. Insofern sind die Befunde aus der in den Jahren 2021–2023 in Sachsen-Anhalt durchgeführten Studie nicht veraltet, sondern bilden jüdische Alltagserfahrungen und Lehrer*innenperspektiven auf Antisemitismus ab. Zugleich kann auch in Sachsen-Anhalt seit dem 7. Oktober 2023 von einer Veränderung des Sicherheitsgefühls jüdischer Familien und Lehrkräfte im Raum Schule ausgegangen werden sowie von einer Zunahme antisemitischer Übergriffe.
Date: 2023
Date: 2025
Author(s): Wich, Nico
Date: 2024
Date: 2024
Date: 2024
Date: 2024