Abstract: Antisemitism increasingly circulates through digital networked publics where distant conflicts are reinterpreted as locally meaningful moral dramas. Drawing on qualitative discourse analysis of four influential Telegram channels based in Russia’s regions of Tatarstan and Dagestan, this article examines how Israel-related antisemitic narratives transform the war in Gaza from a remote tragedy into a local meaning-making event. Combining cultural trauma theory, social identity theory, and scapegoating approaches, the study conceptualizes antisemitism not merely as a pre-existing prejudice but as a symbolic repertoire that assigns roles of victims, perpetrators, and witnesses, thereby stabilizing collective identities and establishing moral boundaries. The analysis identifies a hybrid narrative framework in which Soviet and post-Soviet anti-Zionist and conspiratorial tropes, including Nazi analogies and Holocaust inversion, intersect with contemporary anti-Western and pan-Islamic narratives, alongside blood libel, dehumanization, “Jewish privilege,” and self-victimization. Despite stark differences in socioeconomic, demographic, and institutional contexts, Dagestani and Tatar channels reproduce similar binary interpretative schemas. The findings show how networked scapegoating and mediated cultural trauma enable antisemitic discourse to flourish in semi-public, non-extremist spaces, organizing perceptions of global politics and legitimizing hostility toward an out-group while also illuminating broader dynamics of reactive conflict spillover and moralized enemy construction in digital environments.
Abstract: This article explores the paradoxical phenomenon of far-right “philosemitism,” in which political movements historically steeped in antisemitism present themselves as defenders of Jews and allies of Israel. Drawing on contemporary examples—such as the French National Rally’s claim to be a “shield for Jews,” and the American evangelical alliances with Israel—the study situates these gestures within a longer trajectory of far-right ambivalence toward Jews. While often dismissed by pundits and scholars as simply opportunistic weaponization of antisemitism, these pro-Jewish stances also reveal deeper discursive and ideological functions: self-legitimation, moral licensing, and the repositioning of Jews as symbolic allies against other outgroups. This article identifies such ambivalence in early 20th-century European thought, highlighting case studies from the German Empire where figures such as Börries von Münchhausen, Wilhelm Schwaner, and Max Hildebert Boehm articulated versions of philosemitism that combined admiration with exclusionary imperatives. Across contexts, a recurring logic emerges: a dualistic “Good Jew/Bad Jew” distinction, whereby “authentic” Jews—biblical, assimilated, or nationalist—are praised, while “inauthentic” Jews—cosmopolitan, liberal, or diasporic—are condemned. By historicizing far-right “philosemitism,” its function, and significance, this article is an attempt to combat its harmful normalizing effects.
Abstract: Antisemitism is an increasingly significant issue for schools and colleges, mirroring wider trends across society. The evidence gathered by this review points to high levels of antisemitic incidents occurring in classrooms, online and beyond. Key barriers to effective prevention and response include uncertainty about what constitutes antisemitism, lack of confidence in reporting systems, inconsistent recording practices, and limited staff training. While schools and colleges are committed to creating inclusive environments, the review finds that stronger and more consistent support is needed across the system.
Meaningful progress in tackling antisemitism in schools and colleges requires a coordinated whole-system response, and this is underpinned in the review by 27 recommendations.
Central is the call for:
• wider adoption by schools and colleges of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism as a starting point for understanding and discussions;
• strengthening Keeping children safe in education by making clear that antisemitism may constitute harm and raise safeguarding concerns;
• a coherent, sequenced whole-school or college approach that embeds prevention of antisemitism through curriculum, learner experience, and leadership;
• amending the Teachers’ Standards to explicitly reference antisemitism, ensuring all teaching professionals understand their responsibilities to confront and act on this kind of hatred and prejudice.
• practical support to help leaders navigate increasingly complex and sensitive issues, including establishing a dedicated support service for schools, colleges and local authorities dealing with incidents relating to antisemitism, as well as providing continued support for the unique security challenges faced by Jewish schools.
Together, the review’s recommendations are intended to create a more confident,
consistent and effective system, ensuring that Jewish pupils, students and staff can
participate fully in education and feel safe, respected and able to thrive.
Abstract: The landmark report, ‘What’s Next for Holocaust Education, Research and Remembrance in the UK?’, describes a well-established, diverse sector with considerable expertise and sustained public interest, but calls for greater coordination, collaboration and consistent measurement to demonstrate collective impact amid rising antisemitism, misinformation and AI, the loss of the survivor generation, funding pressures and unequal access to Holocaust education.
Commissioned by the AJR, the UK’s leading dedicated funder of Holocaust education, Ben Barkow CBE, former Director of the Wiener Holocaust Library, and independent education consultant Clementine Smith compiled the first-of-its-kind report. It draws on fifty expert interviews representing more than twenty-five organisations, analysis of AJR-funded projects, a cross-sector focus group and a practitioner survey.
The findings were unveiled at Remembering & Rethinking 2026: Convening the Sector - AJR’s two-day forum at Holocaust Centre North, University of Huddersfield, where figures from Holocaust education, academia, government, and the wider remembrance sector considered how to turn them into action.
Abstract: Seit dem 7. Oktober 2023 sind die Hochschulen zu einem zentralen Ort antisemitischer Mobilisierung geworden: Hochschulen sind geprägt von antisemitischen und judenfeindlichen Schmierereien, Veranstaltungen und physischen und psychischen Angriffen auf jüdische Student*innen. Noch dazu haben sich mittlerweile antisemitische Gruppen in Studierendenausschüssen erfolgreich etabliert. Damit gestalten sie Hochschulpolitik, die sich keineswegs positiv auf jüdische Studierende und antisemitismuskritische Strukturen auswirkt. Antisemitismusbeauftragte sind oft überfordert, während sich Betroffene immer weiter zurückziehen oder gar das Studium abbrechen.
Für das Zivilgesellschaftliche Lagebild Antisemitismus #15 – In feindlicher Umgebung: Zur Lage an deutschen Hochschulen nach dem 7. Oktober sprechen wir mit jüdischen Student*innen, zeigen anhand einer Chronik die Dichte und Schärfe antisemitischer Vorfälle auf und lassen antisemitismuskritische Hochschulinitiativen zu Wort kommen.
Unsere Kernbeobachtungen:
Seit dem 7. Oktober sind deutsche Hochschulen noch mehr ein unsicherer Ort für Jüdinnen*Juden geworden. Die Betroffenen berichten dabei von zahlreichen Vorfällen, die zu einem Dauerzustand aus Angst, Anspannung und Selbstzensur führen und einen Rückzug aus dem Studienalltag nahelegen.
Antisemitismus an Hochschulen zeigt sich offen und enthemmt. Es geht dabei nicht nur um israelkritische Sticker und Schmierereien, die sich im Ton vergreifen. Es geht um Einschüchterung und Schikane, um Drohungen und Gewalt.
Über die letzten drei Jahre wurde ein Klima geschaffen, in dem dieser grassierende Antisemitismus normalisiert wurde. Antiisraelische Akteur*innen nutzen den Campus als Ort der Mobilisierung und gestalten eine Hochschulpolitik, in der antisemitismuskritisches Engagement systematisch schikaniert und ausgegrenzt wird. Trotz medialem Aufsehen wird die Situation weiterhin von der Mehrheitsgesellschaft unterschätzt.
Betroffene begleitet das Gefühl, nicht ausreichend ernst genommen und geschützt zu werden. Ausbleibende Reaktionen und Entsolidarisierung, unklare oder fehlende Zuständigkeiten sowie symbolische Maßnahmen erzeugen Vertrauensverluste und verfestigen das Problem.
Hochschulen reagieren oft nicht adäquat auf antisemitische Eskalationen. Oft sind es die Betroffenen selbst, die auf antisemitische Vorfälle reagieren müssen, weil die Hochschulen überfordert oder unwillens sind. Jüdische Studierende ziehen sich aus universitären Räumen zurück, verbergen ihre Identität oder organisieren sich unter sich. Währenddessen bleiben institutionelle Konsequenzen gegenüber den Täter*innen häufig aus.
Abstract: Pearn Kandola’s 2026 report, Yes, But…*: Antisemitism and The Limits of Workplace Inclusion, is a comprehensive study of Jewish employees’ experiences of antisemitism at work and the responses of DEI functions within organisations.
This research builds on Pearn Kandola’s 2024 study of Antisemitism and Islamophobia at Work, which found that workplace antisemitism had increased by almost 50% since 7th October 2023.
In May 2026, Pearn Kandola held Antisemitism at Work Week, a series of webinars that explored antisemitism in the workplace, its impact on Jewish employees, and how organisations can respond.
The response to the webinar series highlighted a need for further research, as several Jewish attendees described a notable lack of responsiveness from their Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) teams regarding antisemitism. This report therefore examines how DEI functions respond to antisemitism in the workplace.
More than 1,000 Jewish employees across the UK participated in the research through in-depth interviews or a survey. They shared their experiences of antisemitism in the workplace, the impact it has had on them, and the extent to which they feel supported by their organisations.
This research explores:
Jewish employees’ experiences of antisemitism in the workplace
Why antisemitism is often overlooked within workplace inclusion activity
How inadequate responses to antisemitism affect Jewish employees
How DEI teams can move beyond identity-based approaches to foster better inclusion
The report concludes with six practical recommendations from research author Professor Binna Kandola OBE to help organisations strengthen their DEI approach and better support Jewish employees.
Abstract: This article conducts a multi-scalar analysis of the dynamics between secularism and religion in contemporary Sweden and highlights a growing divide between them, in the wake of neoliberal reconfigurations of the welfare state and a stronger religious pluralism in public space. In the first part of the analysis, we examine the public debate around conversion attempts and state funding for religious organizations. We show that a stronger culturalization and politicization of religion has resulted in a growing secular/religion divide, shaping religion as the Other and as the opposite of secularity, which, in return, becomes equated with values of equality and freedom. In the second part of the analysis, we highlight how such a secular/religion divide constructs religion as the main problem of religious queer people. Drawing on an analysis of the lived experiences of trans and queer people from Muslim, Jewish and Christian traditions, we challenge this divide. Ultimately, the article proposes that there is a need for more spaces that are both queer inclusive and religiously affirmative, rather than stronger state regulation and limitation of religious spaces, and we present some routes ahead for further research in response to the challenges and vulnerabilities detected.
Abstract: Cet article analyse le sens stéréotypique et cinétique du terme « sioniste » dans les médias français contemporains. Partant du constat d’une instabilité sémantique accrue, notamment dans le contexte du conflit israélo-palestinien, l’étude interroge les usages médiatiques du mot et leur possible articulation avec des formes d’antisémitisme. S’appuyant sur la théorie de la Sémantique des Possibles Argumentatifs, l’auteure examine des collocations extraites du corpus frTenTen, telles que « entité sioniste », « lobby sioniste », « régime sioniste », ainsi que des constructions prédicatives du type « Les sionistes sont… ». L’analyse met en lumière l’activation, la désactivation et la transformation des associations stéréotypiques liées au noyau lexical de « sioniste ». Les résultats montrent que, si certains emplois demeurent neutres ou positifs, une part importante des occurrences étudiées véhicule des connotations négatives, conspirationnistes ou délégitimées. L’article souligne ainsi le caractère dynamique du sens lexical : les usages discursifs contribuent à remodeler le noyau sémantique du terme. En définitive, l’étude met en évidence la porosité possible entre la critique politique et le discours discriminatoire dans l’espace médiatique contemporain.
Abstract: Die antisemitische Protestmobilisierung hat sich seit dem 7.Oktober 2023 von einer akuten, ereignisbezogenen Gelegenheitsstruktur zu einem festen Bestandteil politischer Mobilisierung in Deutschland entwickelt. In den Jahren 2025 und 2026 bildeten sich dauerhafte Akteursnetzwerke und gefestigte Protestmilieus heraus; hier sind zwar rückläufige Teilnehmendenzahlen, aber auch Radikalisierungstendenzen und eine Verschärfung der antisemitischen Rhetorik zu beobachten.
Langjährig aktive, oft PFLP-nahe oder islamistisch geprägte Strukturen beeinflussen Tonlage, Inhalte und Aktionsformen der Proteste maßgeblich. In denselben Protestkontexten treten die antiimperialistische Linke und zunehmend Teile der Klima-, der feministischen und der antimilitaristischen Szene auf; israelbezogene Mobilisierungen haben sie in ihre politische Praxis integriert.
Die Anschlussfähigkeit antisemitischer und israelfeindlicher Narrative wird maßgeblich durch reichweitenstarke InfluencerInnen und Content-CreatorInnen, die auch ohne formale organisatorische Einbindung erhebliche Deutungsmacht entfalten, befördert. So entstehen flexible digitale Allianzen, in denen etablierte politische Trennlinien an Bedeutung verlieren.
Kennzeichnend ist eine Diskursverschiebung, mit der antisemitische Narrative und Deutungsrahmen an gesellschaftlicher Akzeptanz gewinnen. Dazu zählen die Umdeutung von Gewalt in legitimen Widerstand, die Delegitimierung Israels, das Feindbild Zionismus, die Abwehr historischer Verantwortung sowie Verschwörungsdenken.
Die beschriebenen Dynamiken gehen mit einem messbaren Anstieg antisemitischer Bedrohungen im öffentlichen und digitalen Raum einher: Jüdische Personen und Einrichtungen sind verstärkt Anfeindungen, Gewalt und erhöhten Schutzanforderungen ausgesetzt. Jüdische Perspektiven und Erfahrungen werden delegitimiert oder anhand ihrer Haltung zu Israel hierarchisiert – und gegebenenfalls aus öffentlichen Debatten ausgeschlossen.
Abstract: „Spreche ich von der Erziehung nach Auschwitz, so meine ich zwei Bereiche: einmal Erziehung in der Kindheit, zumal der frühen; dann allgemeine Aufklärung, die ein geistiges, kulturelles und gesellschaftliches Klima schafft, das eine Wiederholung nicht zuläßt, ein Klima also, in dem die Motive, die zu dem Grauen geführt haben, einigermaßen bewußt werden.“ (Adorno: Erziehung nach Auschwitz, 1966)
In Bezug auf Adornos Aussage beschäftigt sich dieser kurze Beitrag mit der Frage, inwiefern die Grundschule als Lernort für antisemitismuskritische Bildung im bildungspolitischen und gesellschaftlichen Kontext berücksichtigt wird und wurde. Dazu werden (online verfügbare) Bildungsmaterialien und Ansätze dahingehend überprüft, ob die Grundschule mitgedacht wird. Darüber hinaus wird die Frage nach der allgemeinen Bedeutung und Wertschätzung von Primarpädagogik und deren Lehrpersonen aufgeworfen und eine auffällige Direktverbindung zwischen antisemitismuskritischer Bildung und Holocaust-Education beschrieben.
In diesem Text wird erörtert, ob und wie eine kritische Bildung gegen Antisemitismus oder sogar eine Prävention von Antisemitismus in der Grundschule außerhalb von Holocaust Education gelingen kann.
Abstract: Crisis situations foster the proliferation of various conspiracy beliefs, especially in the current high-choice media environment. Drawing on a national survey (n = 1,000), we show that in Romania, in the context of the current Hamas–Israel conflict, antisemitic attitudes, sourcing news from social media rather than from mainstream media and frequent church attendance correlate with stronger beliefs in conspiracy narratives. Antisemitism is the most powerful predictor, but only in the form of conviction that Israel controls the media, politics, money and power. Additionally, gender and age are also significant correlates, with younger women more prone to such beliefs.
Topics: Israel: Attitudes to Israel, Israel: Criticism, Israel: Jewish and Israeli Advocacy, Hasbarah and Lobbying, Israel: Jewish Attachment, Israel: Non-Jewish Support, Solidarity and Advocacy, Main Topic: Other, Palestinian Solidarity and Activism, Post-Colonial, National Identity
Abstract: Issued in November 1917 to pledge Britain’s support for the “establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people,” the Balfour Declaration has had dramatic historical repercussions, paving the way for the founding of Israel in 1948, the Palestinian Nakba, and the persistence of bloodshed. Tracing the complex dynamic of postcolonial guilt, self-exculpation, and amnesia that characterized various British responses to the Declaration over the years, the article examines how this dynamic shaped the numerous events held across the United Kingdom in November 2017 to mark the Declaration’s centenary. These commemorative events – allowing different communities to articulate the relationship between Britain’s historical accountability, Israel’s sovereignty, and Palestinians’ grievances – are read in light of two interrelated “post-postimperial” developments preoccupying Britain in 2017: a new conservative backlash against the seeping British willingness to acknowledge Britain’s colonial crimes, and the Brexit crisis, with its complex resonances of imperial legacies.
Abstract: This explorative study examines contemporary forms of antisemitism and the perceptions of Jewish identity among young, highly educated Greeks. Using a structured questionnaire, the study investigated (1) how participants define Jewishness, (2) their endorsement of classical and aggressive antisemitic stereotypes, (3) perceptions of Israel and Israel-related antisemitism, and (4) the subjective perception of antisemitism in education and society. Results indicate that while overtly aggressive antisemitic attitudes are largely rejected, ancestry-based and ethno-religious definitions of Jewishness remain prevalent. Classical stereotypes, particularly regarding economic power, intellectual ability, and intra-group solidarity, persist selectively. Israel is recognized as a legitimate state, yet participants hold generally negative views of its democratic character. Antisemitism in Greek society and education is perceived as marginal, suggesting that subtle, normalized forms of prejudice may escape recognition. These findings highlight the need for targeted educational interventions that address both overt and subtle forms of antisemitism.
Abstract: In the current study, a detailed analysis of legal restrictions on ritualistic animal slaughter, or shechita, in various comparative settings is undertaken. The chapter deals with the historical and present debate on this phenomenon, very controversial both in Europe and beyond Europe since the 1990s. Analyses establish that civil society campaigns for the ban on shechita, supported by medical and veterinary authorities and activists on social media, have been effective in some, but not all, countries. The chapter will have two main aims. First, to document the historical bias against ritual animal slaughter, starting inmedieval times and culminating in 19th and 20th century European anti-Semitism, and to show the reemergence of this bias in recent decades. This reemergence, it will be shown, combines classic anti-Semitism with more recent Islamophobia (from the Right), and animal rights and anti-religious progressivism (from the Left). Second, to suggest that constitutional doctrines grounded in anti-discrimination principles are more effective than the doctrine of proportionality in protecting the religious and cultural rights of the Jewish minority in the context of shechita. This is because they are better equipped to expose hidden biases and prejudices against Jews than their proportionality-based counterparts.
Abstract: In November 2024, violence following a football match in Amsterdam was framed as evidence of migrant men’s failed integration into Dutch society. The frame achieved discursive dominance, anchoring public debate, and was adopted by the government before empirical substantiation. We examine the affective-discursive processes behind the frame’s salience amid conjunctural conditions and heightened collective anxieties. We conceptualize anxiety-fear arrangements as configurations of affective relations between socio-material elements. Frames, as meaning-making devices, organize meanings and orient emotions, shaping relations within arrangements. Through a multimodal discourse analysis of political statements, parliamentary transcripts and media items, we trace how the failed integration frame organized meanings, channeling collective anxieties onto tangible objects of fear: migranticized bodies, objects and places. The frame became salient through precedence, emotional intensity, cultural resonance and moral certainty. Empirically, we illustrate how bodies are ‘migranticized’ through framing. Conceptually, the anxiety-fear arrangement provides an operative template to understand meaning-making in conjunctures.
