Abstract: After the Holocaust, in which 87 per cent of Greek Jewry was annihilated, communities confronted the challenge
of survival with limited resources. In many cases, synagogues and communal properties were sold and demolished
to support the surviving Jewish populations or to establish new institutions, such as the Jewish Museum of Greece.
This process illustrates a critical social dilemma: whether the continuity of community should be ensured through
the maintenance of living institutions or through the preservation of monuments as bearers of collective memory.
But what occurs when members of the community object to leadership decisions or challenge institutional
authority? This article examines the interplay between antisemitism and internal mechanisms of exclusion within
the Jewish communities in Greece, and how these dynamics shape both communal identity and the urban
landscape. Drawing on archival research and documentation of synagogues initiated by the author in 1993, it
highlights the tension between assimilation and self-preservation expressed both socially and spatially. Traditional
Jewish neighbourhoods, with their defensive layouts and gates, embodied a morphology of protection that
reinforced boundaries while becoming landmarks within historic city centres in cities such as Veroia, Komotini,
Kos, and Serres. The discussion situates the destruction and preservation of synagogues within broader patterns of
urban renewal, reconstruction, and transformation, where redevelopment often erases valuable cultural heritage,
and considers how such processes engage the voices that object to this erasure. Framed through the thought of
Ricœur, Arendt, and Levinas, the argument also emphasizes the moral responsibility of the researcher, alongside
that of community members, to act as a guardian of memory, recognising that the loss of monuments constitutes
both an urban and existential rupture, with implications for present and future generations.
Abstract: While Jewish immigration to the State of Israel is a key component of Zionist ideology, emigration has been discouraged and vilified. Yet, Israeli Jewish citizens have been leaving throughout. This paper chronicles the approaches of the State of Israel towards its citizen diaspora, which shifted from rejection to the realisation of Israelis abroad as a fait accompli, and a resource for the state. At the same time, it depicts the self-organisation of Israeli citizens abroad, and their on-going ties to the State of Israel, even if they are highly critical of it. To elaborate on this dialectic, the paper zooms in on Israeli citizens in Germany. In consequence, I argue that the secularised notion of the ‘love for the Jewish people’ (ahavat yisrael) can be extended to ahava be’ad ha’medinat yisrael (love for the State of Israel) in the present to conceptualise the on-going relationship of Israeli citizens abroad to Israel, and its implementation by the state.
Abstract: The pro-Gaza demonstrations that marked the summer of 2014 were trailed by a concern over the intensity of anti-Semitism among European Muslims and accusations of ‘double standards’ with regard to anti-Muslim racism. In the Netherlands, the debate featured a nexus between the Holocaust, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, freedom of speech and the limits of tolerance, which beckons a closer analysis. I argue that it indicates the place of the Holocaust in the European imaginary as one of a haunting, which is marked by a structure of dis/avowal. Prescriptive multicultural tolerance, which builds on Europe’s debt to the Holocaust and represents the culturalized response to racial inequalities, reiterates this structure of dis/avowal. It ensures that its normative framework of identity politics and equivalences, and the Holocaust, Jews and anti-Semitism which occupy a seminal place within it, supplies the dominant (and in the case of anti-Semitism, displaced) terms for the contestation of (disavowed) racialized structures of inequality. The dominance of the framework of identity politics as a channel for minority populations to express a sense of marginalization and disaffection with mainstream politics, however, risks culturalizing both the origins and the solutions to that marginalization. Especially when that sense of marginalization is filtered and expressed through the contestation of the primacy of the Holocaust memory, it enables the state, which embeds Jews retrogressively in the European project, to externalize racialized minorities on the basis of presumed cultural incompatibilities (including anti-Semitism, now externalized from the memory of Europe proper and attributed uniquely to the Other); to erase its historical and contemporary racisms; and to subject minority populations to disciplinary securitization. Moreover, it contributes to the obfuscation of the political, social and economic dynamics through which neo-liberal capitalism effects the hollowing out of the social contract and the resultant fragmentation of society (which the state then can attribute to ‘deficient’ minority cultures and values).
Abstract: This article addresses the themes of culture, identity, and trauma in a bilingual analysis between a German-speaking second-generation Holocaust survivor and an analyst of German descent. By paying attention to the shifts between German and English over the course of the therapy, it becomes possible to see how deeply language is intertwined with culture, history, and traumatic memory in the German–Jewish experience. Both patient and analyst are embedded in multiple cultural contexts and participate in language shifts that shape the process of negotiating and revealing identity. The article suggests that identity is neither fixed nor stable, but linked to the fluid and dynamic shifts of our experiences in the presence of the other person, and of language and culture in general. By focusing on the therapeutic interaction between the patient and analyst, the case demonstrates the degree to which the burden of history, struggle with trauma, and legacy of shame are all embedded in and determined by culture and history across contexts and generations.
Abstract: В статье рассматривается культовое поведение горских евреев, частотность соблюдения ими религиозных предписаний и правил иудаизма. Исследование культового поведения горских евреев с применением методики диагностики религиозности Ф.Н. Ильясова, где индикаторами выступают «вера» и «отношение к религиозной (атеистической) деятельности» позволяет классифицировать их как активных и пассивных. Проведенное исследование установило, что горские евреи по показателю участия в религиозной практике показывают поведение присущее типу «убежденно верующих», хотя по совокупности показателей имеет место и поведение характерное типам «колеблющихся», «неверующих» и «убежденно неверующих». При этом опрошенные горские евреи демонстрируют активность культового поведения, выражающаяся в посещении синагоги, тени религиозных текстов, молитве и соблюдении поста. Вместе с тем имеет место и определенная противоречивость между декларируемым горскими евреями религиозным поведением и реальным их культовым поведением. По результатам исследования установлено, что религиозный фактор выполняет ключевую роль в повседневной жизни горских евреев и независимо от мировоззренческих установок (убежденно верующий, верующий, колеблющийся, неверующий, убежденно неверующий) они ориентированы на соблюдение предписаний своей конфессии в семейно-брачной и похоронно-обрядовой сфере
Abstract: Drawing on thirty in-depth interviews with faith leaders in the UK (including Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism, and Sikhism), we examine the diverse ways religious groups reorient religious life during COVID-19. Analysing the shift to virtual and home-based worship, we show the creative ways religious communities altered their customs, rituals, and practices to fit a new virtual reality amidst rigid social distancing guidelines. This study offers a distinctive comparative perspective into religious creativity amidst acute social change, allowing us to showcase notable differences, especially in terms of the possibility to fully perform worship online. We found that whilst all faith communities faced the same challenge of ministering and supporting their communities online, some were able to deliver services and perform worship online but others, for theological reasons, could not offer communal prayer. These differences existed within each religion rather than across religious boundaries, representing intra-faith divergence at the same time as cross-faith convergence. This analysis allows us to go beyond common socio-religious categories of religion, while showcasing the diverse forms of religious life amidst COVID-19. This study also offers a diverse case study of the relationship between religions as well as between religion, state, and society amidst COVID-19.
Abstract: Based on interviews, the purpose of the article is to study how Roma and Jews experience everyday violations and hate crime and how the victims deal with this exposure. The victims’ narratives are analysed using, for example, theories and research on anti-Semitism, anti-Ziganism, everyday racism and power relations. During the post-war period Jews have largely been seen by the majority population as belonging to the white ”Swedishness”, while the Roma belong to one of many deeply despised minorities that often are exposed to everyday violations and hate crime. However, there is anti-Semitism in Sweden that in certain situations and circumstances is explicitly expressed in the form of abuse, threats or violence. The article describes and analyses how the victims of hate crime deal with this exposure and how the crimes affect them. Some Roma and Jews ”are forced” to live a kind of double life because they are afraid of being ”exposed” as a Roma or a Jew. For example, Jewish and Roma symbols are often spontaneously concealed. The damage that hate crime causes is spread beyond the individual to the victim’s entire group, a form of ”message crimes”. The consequences for the individual concerned can be very serious. Roma and Jewish groups as a whole can also be affected by the restrictions imposed on their lives.
Abstract: This special section explores the experiences of cohabitation and transnational migration routes of Jews from the Caucasus through the lens of anthropology, sociology, and social history. Focusing on underrepresented Jewish groups from Georgia, Azerbaijan, and the North Caucasus (Russian Federation), it suggests an innovative view on Jewish studies, the study of the Caucasus and Post-Soviet migration studies. The contributions challenge dominant narratives that subsume diverse Jewish identities from Georgia, Azerbaijan and the North Caucasus under the label “Russian Jews” and instead foreground the multi-layered entanglements of Jewish life in and beyond the Caucasus – as locals, minorities, and migrants in multi-religious and multi-ethnic settings. The special section papers reveal how Soviet secularism, post-Soviet nationalism, and global Jewish discourses intersect with local memory, of living together, religious practice, and belonging. By situating Caucasus Jews in broader debates on diversity, migration, and coloniality, this section calls for a rethinking Jewish studies beyond the taken-for granted binary formulas of Ashkenazi/Mizrahi or European/Non European frameworks.
Abstract: This article examines the impact of the 2023–2025 Israeli–Palestinian conflict—particularly the aftermath of the October 7 Hamas attack, subsequent war in Gaza, and the international public opinion reactions to those events—on Jewish community in Krakow, Poland. While pro-Palestinian protests in Poland were limited compared to those in Western countries, they marked an unprecedented local development, sparking debate within Jewish circles. Using Krakow as a case study, the article explores whether and how these events shifted discourse around Zionism, Israel, and Jewish identity. It employs discourse analysis, supplemented by comparative methodology, the study relies on the data from the semi-structured interviews, and analyses of the official statements and media report as well as the social media discourses. The article addresses two questions: (1) how and why did the Jewish community in Krakow respond to the escalation of the Middle East conflict and the subsequent events, particularly pro-Palestinian activism? (2) do the observed dynamics reflect global trends or local particularities?
Abstract: To cope with the covid-19 pandemic, people not only relied on state measures and scientific knowledge, but also drew on the resources of religion. They may also have embraced conspiracy theories that sometimes led them to engage in protest behavior. Against this background, we address the following research question: “How are people's religiosity and spirituality related to their belief in covid-19 conspiracy theories in Germany?” We answer this question by conducting a theory-led empirical analysis. We apply quantitative methods based on primary data from a (non-representative) online survey that we carried out with 2,373 respondents in Germany between July 2020 and January 2021. The results show that belief in covid-19 conspiracy theories is positively correlated with the image of a punitive God, with exclusivist beliefs, and with private prayer—and negatively correlated with attendance at religious services. Moreover, Catholics, Protestants, Muslims, and Jews have a lower affinity for conspiracy theories than not religiously affiliated people, while the opposite is true for Evangelicals.
Abstract: Since the 1989 political transition, a multifaceted process of knowledge production and memory formation regarding rural Jews has been ongoing in Hungary’s civil and academic spheres, often starting from or leading to local history research. These initiatives typically have multiple aims and functions: mourning the losses of the Holocaust, confronting and facing the difficult past, and uncovering the historical values of specific localities. Through the
presentation of examples and analysis of a bibliography on the subject, this article evaluates the achievements, directions, and shortcomings in this field, using historian Diana Pinto’s conceptual framework of “Jewish Space.” Building on the theoretical and practical analyses by Diana Pinto, Erica Lehrer, and Ruth Ellen Gruber, the author emphasizes that the social memory of European Jews can be most effectively created in spaces where Jewish and non-Jewish organizations and individuals can collaborate, engage in dialogue, and make joint contributions. The analysis also highlights the need for more professional and financial support for individuals and organizations active in this area and stresses the importance of coordinating their work and developing strategies based on professional criteria to ensure the efficient use of resources.
Abstract: After an appellate court made circumcision of minors effectively illegal in the absence of a medical justification, the German Parliament passed a statute that restored, with some limitations, the right of parents to seek ritual circumcisions for their sons. Between these events, a fierce controversy broke out in Germany involving Jews, Muslims, and other Germans. Whereas circumcision without medical indication is rare among most Germans, it is a common religious practice in Jewish and Muslim communities in Germany. The debate tapped into ongoing discussions of German cultural norms, German secularization, and a long history of antiSemitism and a much shorter history of anti-Muslim sentiment in Germany. It also tapped into the religious and traditional practices –
sometimes converging, sometimes diverging – of Jews and Muslims. This Article discusses the range of opinions on religious circumcision among Germans and other Europeans. It disentangles the social factors at work in the debate and analyzes the court decision and the new statute. It also examines some recent decisions under the new statute and explores problems with the statute’s application. Given that roughly 700 million boys worldwide have undergone ritual circumcision, the German controversy has global implications.
This Article shows that at day’s end, the debate turns on issues of toleration and multiculturalism. It is scarcely possible to resolve this debate without asking, “What is a child?” If a child is a proto-member of his parents’ religious community and has only a weak right to bodily integrity, or if the risk-benefit ratio favors circumcision and the parents have a broad scope of consent, then circumcision without medical indication might be legally and morally permissible. Parents might then have discretion to place on his body a permanent physical symbol of his expected or hoped for religious affiliation as an adult. Yet if a child has a strong right to bodily integrity, and circumcision is not medically indicated, then the permanent physical modification of his body with a symbol of Jewish or Muslim identity might be problematic, and circumcising him for aesthetic or other nonreligious reasons might likewise
be problematic.
Abstract: German Chancellor Angela Merkel's 'open-door' policy towards the recent wave of migrants and refugees to Europe shows promise for expanding the workforce and increasing diversity, yet opens up some significant cultural and religious differences. Although the government has created programs to aid in their transition, little attention has been paid to how school curriculum, particularly education on the Holocaust, is presented to students for whom the event lacks personal, religious, or social relevance or who may have been taught that it is a fabrication. This study focuses on how classroom material presents the rise of National Socialism and the Holocaust through a document analysis of curriculum materials from a Gymnasium in Hamburg, Germany. Results show that even at the highest level of the education system, students are not being presented with the material in a way that draws relevance to the present day nor fosters meaning for recent immigrants. For the Holocaust, which is both a significant historical event and a critical lesson in the importance of universal human rights, effective education is imperative in order to combat present global trends of radicalism and intolerance.
Abstract: Previous research on teaching the Holocaust, notably case studies in the primary or the secondary sectors, suggests that Holocaust education can make a significant contribution to citizenship by developing pupils’ understandings of justice, tolerance, human rights issues, and the many forms of racism and discrimination. Yet, there have been no longitudinal studies into its impact on primary pupils.
This paper, reports on the first stages of ongoing longitudinal research (sponsored by the Scottish Executive Education Department), and concentrates on the relevance of Holocaust education to citizenship, by comparing the attitudes of primary 7 pupils before and after Holocaust teaching using data from questionnaires.
Results show an improvement in pupils’ values and attitudes after learning about the Holocaust in almost every category related to minority groups, ethnic or otherwise. One significant finding was a deep anti-English feeling and this in itself the need for further investigation.
Abstract: This study, based on quantitative analysis of several bibliometric datasets, examines the position of East European Jewish studies. It is argued here that the number of studies on East European Jewry, as exemplified by the datasets analyzed here, is not proportional to its demographic, sociopolitical, or cultural position in history. The proportion seems rather to replicate the mental maps of “centrality” and “marginality” in the contemporary world, with Israel as an important exception. It is further suggested that power relations between centers and peripheries of academic Jewish studies go along the lines of the more general mechanisms of systemic inequity in academia, for which geography and social diversity, together with gender, are the primary and best recognized factors of underrepresentation. The underrepresentation of Eastern Europe is even more transparent when viewed through the map of the geographical origin of the scholarship. Most high-profile scholarship is produced in North America and Israel, while the number of contributions coming from Eastern Europe is negligible. This is surprising when confronted with the apparent boom of Jewish studies in several countries of the region. The sample material analyzed here suggests the existence of self-limiting East European practices which create alternative local circulations for publications produced and distributed there that never merge into a wider international exchange of knowledge.
Abstract: In Italy, after the victory of Giorgia Meloni’s post-fascist party, “Fratelli d’Italia,” several studies began to discuss whether or not the country has come to terms with the memory of fascism, its role as an inspirer of Nazism, and the collaboration with Nazi Germany in the Holocaust. Especially the latter, scholarly literature pointed out, has failed to receive the attention it deserves. This article argues that this is particularly true with regard to public history, the way historical information and events are interpreted and presented to the general public, and focuses on public museums exhibiting the Holocaust and resistance. Evidence for this article comes from two in-depth case studies regarding the oldest yet unaltered Liberation Museum in Rome and the Museum-Monument to Racial and Political Deportees in the Nazi Lagers in Carpi. The article contends that within these museums, the narration of resistance prevails, whilst evidence of Italy’s past collaborationism remains hidden and unexhibited. In essence, these museums emphasise national heroism and sidestep Italian accountability in the Holocaust.
Abstract: Der wissenschaftliche Kommentar diskutiert die Verbreitung antisemitischer Einstellungen in der Mitte der deutschen wie auch österreichischen Gesellschaft und leitet aufgrund differenter Studienergebnisse Anforderungen an schulische Antisemitismus-Prävention ab. Die erste zentrale Fragestellung untersucht, ob antisemitische Einstellungen als Randphänomen zu betrachten oder in der Meinung der gesellschaftlichen Mitte zu verorten sind. Anhand von Statistiken und Studien zu antisemitischen Straftaten und Einstellungen wird aufgezeigt, dass der Antisemitismus in Deutschland und Österreich kein Randphänomen darstellt, sondern in Teilen der gesellschaftlichen Mitte verankert ist. Darauf aufbauend ist Untersuchungsgegenstand der zweiten zentralen Fragestellung, ab welcher Klassenstufe schulische Präventionsmaßnahmen gegen Antisemitismus berechtigt sind. Das Potenzial der schulischen Präventionsarbeit als Interventionsmöglichkeit wird dabei analysiert, die Bedeutung der Medienkompetenzförderung im Präventionsansatz erläutert und es werden frühzeitige Präventionsansätze, beginnend ab der ersten Klasse, empfohlen, um antisemitischen Überzeugungen frühestmöglich entgegenzuwirken. Im Fazit werden konkrete Forderungen sowie Handlungsempfehlungen an Schulen, die Gesellschaft und die Politik formuliert, um Antisemitismus durch Präventionsmaßnahmen nachhaltig zu bekämpfen.
Abstract: In den Antworten zu den Faith Development Interviews (FDI), die seit 2003 von der Forschungsstelle zur Biographischen Religionsforschung der Universität Bielefeld durchgeführt werden, finden sich bei den beiden Fragen, die auffordern, das Böse in der Welt zu erklären und nach der Lösung für Konflikte zu suchen, die auf religiöser oder weltanschaulicher Uneinigkeit beruhen, häufig Rekurse auf den Nahostkonflikt. Beiden Fragen ist gemeinsam, dass sie darauf abzielen, anomische Phänomene, in denen die Ordnung des eigenen Lebens nicht mehr sinnvoll erfahren werden kann, zu erklären. Die Forschungsnotiz analysiert, welche Funktion der Bezug auf den Nahostkonflikt für die Welterklärung der Befragten hat und was mit diesen Bezügen plausibel gemacht werden kann: Erstens ermöglicht der Nahostkonflikt als Beispiel für einen unlösbaren Konflikt eine Vielzahl von Projektionen und schützt damit die Widerlegung des eigenen weltanschaulichen Problemlösungsideals. Zweitens unterstreicht die Identifikation der Konfliktpartei Israel mit dem Bösen die Funktion des israelbezogenen Antisemitismus als Welterklärung.
Abstract: CLe 10 octobre 2013, lors d’une réunion plénière à Toronto, l’Alliance internationale pour la mémoire de l’Holocauste (IHRA) a marqué un tournant dans la compréhension des manipulations historiques en introduisant l’expression « distorsion de la Shoah ». Cette nouvelle terminologie qui étend la réflexion sur les menaces posées par l’antisémitisme et le négationnisme, dépasse le simple ajout lexical. Elle reflète une prise de conscience accrue face à la complexité des discours visant à remettre en question la réalité historique de la Shoah.
Le « négationnisme », un mot inventé en 1987 par l’historien Henry Rousso dans son ouvrage Le Syndrome de Vichy, désigne les idées de ceux qui minimisent ou nient l’extermination des Juifs durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. À l’époque, l’historien souhaitait rectifier l’usage inapproprié du terme « révisionnisme », souvent confondu avec celui de négationnisme, et rappeler que, dans une démarche scientifique, le révisionnisme se distingue clairement de ce dernier. Il expliquait alors :
Le révisionnisme de l’histoire étant une démarche classique chez les scientifiques, on préférera ici le barbarisme, moins élégant mais plus approprié, de « négationnisme », car il s’agit bien d’un système de pensée, d’une idéologie et non d’une démarche scientifique ou même simplement critique.
Le négationnisme, en tant qu’idéologie, cherche avant tout à effacer ou déformer la réalité de la Shoah. Toutefois, cette définition s’avère insuffisante pour désigner d’autres formes de falsifications historiques qui, plutôt que de nier directement l’événement, le réinterprètent de manière à le banaliser, le déformer ou le trivialiser…
Abstract: Cet article aborde la restauration de la mémoire de la Shoah en Ukraine, ainsi que le rôle, dans ce processus, de différents acteurs de la mémoire et de leurs actions. Cette question sera étudiée à la lumière des changements intervenus dans la politique historique ukrainienne au cours des années 1990-2010, à travers le prisme de l’interaction entre un récit national ethnocentré et la mémoire de la Shoah. Les choix mémoriels de l’Ukraine s’inscrivent dans ce qu’on pourrait qualifier de « modèle est-européen » au sein duquel domine un récit focalisé sur le groupe ethnique majoritaire qui y tient le rôle principal. L’histoire de l’Ukraine est celle des Ukrainiens ethniques et est racontée comme le long cheminement d’un peuple vers la création d’un État national (ou vers le rétablissement de celui-ci). On y observe enfin surtout des discours post-traumatiques et postcoloniaux, ainsi qu’une lecture des relations avec les pays voisins fondée sur des rivalités. Dans ce contexte, l’appropriation de la mémoire sociale (culturelle) de la Shoah et son inclusion dans le récit mémoriel officiel font inévitablement face à des difficultés.
En Ukraine, cette intégration rencontre les mêmes obstacles qu’ailleurs en Europe centrale et orientale et dans les pays baltes :
Premièrement, nous l’avons dit, on ne peut brosser le tableau complet de la Shoah sans se heurter au récit national canonique dans lequel la mémoire de la Shoah, que ce soit sous sa forme nationale ou transnationale, n’est pas présentée comme faisant partie de la mémoire collective…
Abstract: To be valid, history must be predicated on absolute, uncompromising truth, not manipulation. Eighty years ago, 48,000 Jews were not deported from Bulgaria — while 11,343 other Jews were cruelly loaded on trains bound for Treblinka where they were murdered. These are two interdependent realities that cannot be and must not be allowed to be uncoupled.
Il suffirait de si peu. Au regard de maints États européens alliés, satellisés ou occupés par l’Allemagne nazie, la politique de la Bulgarie envers les populations juives pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale se prête à une lecture moins sombre. Signataire du Pacte tripartite le 1er mars 1941, le pays ne participa pas à l’offensive allemande de juin 1941 contre l’URSS ; son armée ne prit aucune part à la « Shoah par balles » et ses citoyens n’apportèrent pas de contribution aux exactions des Einsatzgruppen, ces unités mobiles d’extermination du Reich. Le « vieux royaume de Bulgarie » (frontières d’avant avril 1941) ne procéda pas à l’internement systématique et à l’extermination sur son territoire de ses citoyens juifs à la différence, par exemple, de l’État indépendant croate ustaša, né du démantèlement du royaume de Yougoslavie après son invasion par les nazis en avril 1941. La Bulgarie ne connut pas non plus les atrocités des pogroms de Bucarest et de Iaşi perpétrés dans la Roumanie de 1941, cet autre allié du Reich. Enfin, la presque totalité de la communauté juive de Bulgarie, soit environ 48 000 citoyens, survécut à la guerre après que le gouvernement eut reporté, puis renoncé à déporter une partie, sinon de la totalité, de cette communauté…
Abstract: Lors du festival Open City organisé à Lublin, en octobre 2019, l’artiste Dorota Nieznalska a présenté une installation intitulée « Judenfrei (Bûcher numéro 1) ». Cette œuvre présentait un bûcher recouvert de pancartes partiellement brûlées, sur lesquelles figuraient les noms de localités où, entre 1941 et 1946, des pogroms contre les Juifs furent perpétrés par des Polonais. À proximité de l’installation, les organisateurs avaient disposé un panneau explicatif précisant que ces crimes furent commis en toute connaissance de cause par des membres des communautés locales, animés par des instincts bas, la haine, l’antisémitisme et l’appât d’un enrichissement facile. Przemysław Czarnek, alors voïvode de la région de Lublin et futur ministre de l’Éducation et des Sciences au sein du gouvernement du parti Droit et Justice (PiS), a vivement réagi. Il a dénoncé publiquement l’installation de Nieznalska, la qualifiant d’« acte antipolonais », tout en fustigeant le panneau d’information qu’il a accusé de véhiculer un « mensonge ». Il a exigé du maire de Lublin qu’il fasse retirer cette œuvre controversée. Face à cette critique, la chercheuse Joanna Tokarska-Bakir, spécialiste des pogroms, a dénoncé l’ignorance du voïvode et s’en est indignée : « Comment peut-on laisser libre cours à ses intuitions face à des études scientifiques irréfutables qui attestent l’existence des pogroms dénoncés par l’artiste ? »
Malheureusement, les seules intuitions de Przemysław Czarnek ne sont pas le cœur du problème…
Abstract: Depuis les années 1990, l’usage des termes « révisionnisme » et « révisionniste » s’est imposé dans l’espace intellectuel et médiatique pour désigner, au-delà des auteurs d’extrême droite et faux savants niant l’existence des chambres à gaz, qualifiés de « négationnistes », tous ceux qui, d’une manière ou d’une autre, relativisent le génocide des Juifs et la complicité criminelle du gouvernement de Vichy. La négation d’un côté ; la minoration de l’autre. Dès 1990, l’historien Henry Rousso, auquel on doit l’introduction de la notion de « négationnisme » en France, évoquait une « histoire “révisionniste” de Vichy » à propos d’un ouvrage de François-Georges Dreyfus, Histoire de Vichy (Perrin), qui reprenait un certain nombre d’arguments pétainistes.
Mais, étonnamment, cet usage reste rarement explicité, alors qu’il a une histoire. L’objet du présent article vise à établir la généalogie et à retracer les évolutions et les lignes de force du contre-récit historique sur Vichy et les Juifs, de 1945 à nos jours. Pour cela, il se fonde sur l’étude de nombreux écrits et d’archives privées d’auteurs désireux de réhabiliter les dirigeants du régime pétainiste, de proposer une vision « pacifiante » des années noires ou d’aller à l’encontre d’une supposée doxa sur le sujet.Jusqu’à la fin des années 1960, les écrits justifiant la politique de Vichy et niant ou minimisant ses crimes sont d’abord et avant tout le fait d’avocats ou de parents des grandes figures liées à l’État français.
En juillet-août puis en octobre 1945, Philippe Pétain et l’ex-chef du gouvernement de Vichy Pierre Laval ont été jugés et condamnés à mort par la Haute Cour de justice pour trahison – la peine du vieux maréchal a été commuée en détention perpétuelle…
