Abstract: Cet article analyse le sens stéréotypique et cinétique du terme « sioniste » dans les médias français contemporains. Partant du constat d’une instabilité sémantique accrue, notamment dans le contexte du conflit israélo-palestinien, l’étude interroge les usages médiatiques du mot et leur possible articulation avec des formes d’antisémitisme. S’appuyant sur la théorie de la Sémantique des Possibles Argumentatifs, l’auteure examine des collocations extraites du corpus frTenTen, telles que « entité sioniste », « lobby sioniste », « régime sioniste », ainsi que des constructions prédicatives du type « Les sionistes sont… ». L’analyse met en lumière l’activation, la désactivation et la transformation des associations stéréotypiques liées au noyau lexical de « sioniste ». Les résultats montrent que, si certains emplois demeurent neutres ou positifs, une part importante des occurrences étudiées véhicule des connotations négatives, conspirationnistes ou délégitimées. L’article souligne ainsi le caractère dynamique du sens lexical : les usages discursifs contribuent à remodeler le noyau sémantique du terme. En définitive, l’étude met en évidence la porosité possible entre la critique politique et le discours discriminatoire dans l’espace médiatique contemporain.
Abstract: Crisis situations foster the proliferation of various conspiracy beliefs, especially in the current high-choice media environment. Drawing on a national survey (n = 1,000), we show that in Romania, in the context of the current Hamas–Israel conflict, antisemitic attitudes, sourcing news from social media rather than from mainstream media and frequent church attendance correlate with stronger beliefs in conspiracy narratives. Antisemitism is the most powerful predictor, but only in the form of conviction that Israel controls the media, politics, money and power. Additionally, gender and age are also significant correlates, with younger women more prone to such beliefs.
Topics: Israel: Attitudes to Israel, Israel: Criticism, Israel: Jewish and Israeli Advocacy, Hasbarah and Lobbying, Israel: Jewish Attachment, Israel: Non-Jewish Support, Solidarity and Advocacy, Main Topic: Other, Palestinian Solidarity and Activism, Post-Colonial, National Identity
Abstract: Issued in November 1917 to pledge Britain’s support for the “establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people,” the Balfour Declaration has had dramatic historical repercussions, paving the way for the founding of Israel in 1948, the Palestinian Nakba, and the persistence of bloodshed. Tracing the complex dynamic of postcolonial guilt, self-exculpation, and amnesia that characterized various British responses to the Declaration over the years, the article examines how this dynamic shaped the numerous events held across the United Kingdom in November 2017 to mark the Declaration’s centenary. These commemorative events – allowing different communities to articulate the relationship between Britain’s historical accountability, Israel’s sovereignty, and Palestinians’ grievances – are read in light of two interrelated “post-postimperial” developments preoccupying Britain in 2017: a new conservative backlash against the seeping British willingness to acknowledge Britain’s colonial crimes, and the Brexit crisis, with its complex resonances of imperial legacies.
Abstract: This explorative study examines contemporary forms of antisemitism and the perceptions of Jewish identity among young, highly educated Greeks. Using a structured questionnaire, the study investigated (1) how participants define Jewishness, (2) their endorsement of classical and aggressive antisemitic stereotypes, (3) perceptions of Israel and Israel-related antisemitism, and (4) the subjective perception of antisemitism in education and society. Results indicate that while overtly aggressive antisemitic attitudes are largely rejected, ancestry-based and ethno-religious definitions of Jewishness remain prevalent. Classical stereotypes, particularly regarding economic power, intellectual ability, and intra-group solidarity, persist selectively. Israel is recognized as a legitimate state, yet participants hold generally negative views of its democratic character. Antisemitism in Greek society and education is perceived as marginal, suggesting that subtle, normalized forms of prejudice may escape recognition. These findings highlight the need for targeted educational interventions that address both overt and subtle forms of antisemitism.
Abstract: В статье проводится социологический анализ этнографического материала, собранного в молодежных еврейских организациях Санкт-Петербурга. Согласно последним проведенным исследованиям, современные молодые
евреи испытывают «кризис идентичности», проявляющийся в снижении интереса к еврейской культуре и истории, и связанный с ним «кризис сакрального», заключающийся в размывании его границ и снижении осведомленности об иудаизме. Также петербургские общины редко становятся объектом социологического и антропологического анализа, что делает данное исследование особенно актуальным. Целью исследования было выявить, что является «сакральным» для молодых евреев Петербурга и как его защищают. В результате, на примере четырех еврейских организаций, показано, что для их участников сакральным является «еврейство», а также два нарратива о нем: «консервативный» и «прогрессивный», различающиеся в том, какое содержание вкладывается в понятие «еврейства». В первом случае — религия и традиции, во втором — культура
и самоопределение. Также делается вывод о связи структуры организаций и строгости классификации «сакрального» — в более иерархических и сплоченных группах сакральное оберегается от осквернения строже, чем в менее структурированных.
Abstract: Данное исследование фокусируется на теории С. Корнелла о «наполнении» этнической идентичности и «измерениях», которые ее составляют. Статья фокусируется на институциональном «измерении» и на основе этнографических данных, собранных в процессе реализации студенческого исследовательского проекта «Поля сакрального и религиозного в городском пространстве» (НИУ ВШЭ — Санкт-Петербург, 2025), предполагает, что не только общность, но и разобщенность институтов может служить «наполнением» коллективной
этнической идентичности молодых евреев. Для этого автор вводит неоинституциональное по своей природе понятие «института еврейства», в рамках которого показывает возможную институциональную разобщенность еврейской молодежи Санкт-Петербурга. Используются данные наблюдений, собранных в процессе посещения мероприятий четырех еврейских общинных центров в Петербурге, и интервью, проведенных с молодыми евреями в Санкт-Петербурге. Автор статьи предлагает расширение теории Корнелла.
Abstract: Mit den kleinen Pflastersteinen zum Gedenken an die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus, den Stolpersteinen, die Gunter Demnig 1990 konzipierte und seitdem in Deutschland in Bürgersteige verlegt, traf der Künstler sofort einen Nerv von Anwohnern, Passanten sowie zivilgesellschaftlichen und politischen Akteuren. Auch nach 25 Jahren haben diese Kleinstdenkmäler nichts von ihrer Überzeugungskraft verloren und heute finden sich Stolpersteine ebenso in 19 anderen europäischen Ländern. Für 120 Euro können Privatpersonen, Verbände, Vereine, Parteien sowie Angehörige oder Freunde der in der NS-Zeit Deportierten und Ermordeten einen 10 x 10 cm großen Messingquader finanzieren, den der Künstler dann mit eingravierten Namen und Daten direkt vor der früheren Wohnstätte eines der Opfer in den Boden verlegt. Diese Stolpersteine setzen Standards in der Geschichte der Denkmalkunst. Sie erinnern an alltägliche Personen, die nicht durch heroische Taten, sondern durch das, was ihnen angetan wurde, bedeutsam sind. Sie lassen erahnen, wie Menschen aus unterschiedlichsten Stadtvierteln willkürlich aus ihrem Lebenszusammenhang gerissen wurden und wie unmittelbar Opfer, Täter und "Zuschauer" miteinander gelebt hatten. Passanten nehmen diese stolperkantenfrei verlegten Steine nur aus größter Nähe wahr und stolpern über sie doch in geistiger Weise, mit der überraschenden Wahrnehmung einer mit individuellen Schicksalen verknüpften geschichtlichen Dimension des Ortes. Durch die einheitliche Form dieser Kleinstdenkmäler werden die unterschiedlichen Opfer symbolisch zusammengeführt und sind auch nicht -was eher der Täterlogik folgen würde -in verschiedene Opfergruppen geteilt (z. B. Juden, Sinti und Roma, Kommunisten oder Homosexuelle). Passanten oder hier Wohnende werden in persönlicher Weise mit einst hier Lebenden und ihrem Leid konfrontiert und können Empathie für diese deportierten und ermordeten Mitmenschen entwickeln. Obwohl die leicht reproduzierbaren Messingobjekte nicht die Qualität eines künstlerischen Originals beanspruchen, sind sie als Merkzeichen geschichtlich authentischer Orte erfahrbar und fordern eine ethische Positionierung ein.
Abstract: In Deutschland werden die Debatten über Antisemitismus unter Muslim*innen zunehmend unter verzerrten Voraussetzungen geführt. So stellt z. B. die Alternative für Deutschland stellt Antisemitismus als ein „importiertes“ Feindbild aus dem Nahen Osten dar, das tief in der islamischen Religion verwurzelt sei. Diese Sichtweise suggeriert eine einfache Erklärung für die Quellen des Antisemitismus unter Muslim*innen, die jedoch in der wissenschaftlichen Forschung stark umstritten ist. So wird kontrovers diskutiert, ob die Sozialisation im Nahen Osten tatsächlich eine entscheidende Rolle bei der Entstehung antisemitischer Einstellungen spielt. Ebenso wird infrage gestellt, ob der Antisemitismus tatsächlich in der islamischen Tradition begründet ist. Viele Studien heben stattdessen hervor, dass nicht die islamische Religion an sich, sondern der islamische Fundamentalismus die entscheidende Triebkraft des Antisemitismus ist. Dieser Beitrag nähert sich der Thematik anhand mehrerer Bevölkerungsumfragen und vor allem einer Befragung unter deutschen Muslim*innen. Die Analysen zeigen, dass antisemitische Einstellungen unter Muslim*innen – besonders in ihrer tradierten gegen Israel gerichteten Artikulationsform– häufiger vertreten sind als im Durchschnitt der Gesamtbevölkerung. Dennoch können viele der gängigen Annahmen über die Ursachen des Antisemitismus die Unterschiede innerhalb der muslimischen Gemeinschaft nicht ausreichend erklären. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass die Neigung zu antisemitischen Einstellungen nicht signifikant zwischen Muslim*innen unterschiedlicher Herkunft variiert. Auch die individuelle Religiosität der Muslim*innen ist kein wesentlicher Prädiktor für antisemitische Haltungen. Vielmehr zeigt sich, dass eine fundamentalistische Interpretation der Religion ein zentraler Einflussfaktor ist. Eine Moderationsanalyse deutet darauf hin, dass Antisemitismus ein herkunftsübergreifendes Feindbild unter fundamentalistischen Muslim*innen darstellt. Dieser Einfluss des religiösen Fundamentalismus erweist sich dabei auch im Vergleich zu anderen Erklärungsansätzen als robust.
Author(s): Halioua, Bruno; Bantman, Patrick; Rimmer, Rachel; Ghozlan, Eric; Vaislic, Muriel; Halioua, Dan; Amson, Fabienne; Taieb, Charles; Prasquier, Richard; Gutthman, Jean-François; Ejnes, Robert; Dassa, Stéphanie; Astruc, Alexis; Cohen, Marc; Sarfati, Samuel; Fohlen-Weill, Marc; Namia-Cohen, Odile; Deutscher, Aline; Taieb, Jonathan
Abstract: Objective: The terrorist attacks of 7 October 2023 in southern Israel had a significant impact on the mental health of Holocaust Survivors (HS), who are considered to be particularly vulnerable to traumatic events. The aim of the study was to assess the severity of perceived stress and the psychological impact of the 7 October attacks on HS.
Methods: The study was conducted from 30 October to 15 December 2023 among HS who were contacted through HS support organisations (OSE, Aloumim). They completed a questionnaire consisting of four sections: socio-demographic data and experiences during the Holocaust, assessment of psychological stress using the Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-10), feelings of isolation, health consequences, and reactions to the 7 October attacks.
Results: 171 HS completed the questionnaire with 61 males (35.7%) with a mean age of 86.6+/−4.4 years (min 79–max 97). 59.6%, lived outside Israel, mainly in France. The mean score on the PSS-10 was 17.7 +/−6.0 on a scale of 5 to 40. The average PSS 10 score is not significantly higher in cases of age ≤90 years (18.0 ± 6.0 vs 15.7 ± 6.4, NS), or for those living in Israel (17.2 ± 5.3 vs 18.1 ± 6.6, NS). About a quarter reported feelings of isolation or loneliness following the attacks. The impact of the 7 October attacks was particularly significant among those living outside Israel. Approximately two-thirds felt that the events had rekindled memories of their Holocaust experiences, and nearly one-third observed a decline in their health since the attacks. Among survivors living outside Israel, 86.6% expressed concern about the future safety and identity of their children and grandchildren as Jews.
Conclusion: Identifying Holocaust survivors (HS) who are experiencing psychological distress is crucial to providing them with appropriate therapy.
HIGHLIGHTS
75.3% of Holocaust Suvivors experienced moderate to severe distress in the two months following the 7 October terrorist attacks, as measured by the PSS-10 questionnaire
Non-Israeli HS tend to think more frequently about the Holocaust period (87% vs 62.7%, p ≤ .05) and more often make a spontaneous link between the images broadcasted of the October 7 massacre and what happened during the Holocaust (83.7% vs 66.7%, p ≤ .05).
Compared to non-Israeli HS, those living in France and Canada are more anxious about the future of their children and grandchildren as Jews (86.6% vs 58.8%, p ≤ .05).
Abstract: October 7, 2023 is regarded as the deadliest massacre of Jews since the Shoah and marks a historical turning point. Since then, the repercussions of this terrorist attack and the subsequent Hamas-Israel war have been intensely debated. Antisemitic and violence-glorifying incidents in certain Muslim-migrant milieus have triggered emotionally charged debates on so-called “Muslim antisemitism.” However, little is known so far about the broader impact of October 7 and the war on the Muslim population in Germany. This study is based on a secondary analysis of the dataset Muslim Faith in Germany, collected between July 2023 and April 2024, and allows for a quasi-experimental before-and-after comparison in line with the Unexpected Event During Survey Design (N = 712 before, N = 1119 after October 7). The findings indicate that antisemitism among Muslims in Germany has changed significantly but only marginally since October 7, 2023, with consistently high approval rates between 30% and 35% for pronounced traditional antisemitism and between 23% and 19% for pronounced Israel-related antisemitism. Striking is the notable increase in radicalization potential: antisemitism—particularly in its Israel-related form—is significantly more strongly associated after October 7 with willingness to participate in unauthorized demonstrations, readiness for self-sacrifice, sympathies for Islamist actors, and acceptance of violence and terrorism as a means to enforce Muslim interests. Regression analyses show that especially lacking political integration, high fundamentalism, and threat perception are significantly associated with antisemitism after October 7. Implications for research and practice are discussed, regarding the strengthening of political trust, the dismantling of fundamentalism, and the reduction of collective threat perceptions.
Abstract: This paper deepens our understanding of the construction of ethno-racial diversity and difference in organizations, and the consequences of those discursive struggles on the lives of workers. Categories of difference are usually seen as building blocks of diversity management, however critical and postcolonial researchers have long pointed out the need to develop more flexible and context-sensitive epistemologies in studying racial inequality, beyond binary conceptions of blackness and whiteness. The Jewish context offers a unique opportunity to explore those discursive dynamics, due to the elusive nature of “Jewish difference”, taboos over the use of racial classifications, and possible conflicts between an anti-racist stance and a Zionist affiliation. Exploring the diversity discourse within UK Jewish nonprofit organizations reveals three main diversity frames: in the first, “Jews are white”, the construction the Jewish organization as a white space is explored, as well as DEI efforts to bridge the Jewish-black gap; the second, “Jews are non-white”, explores this re-emerging discourse in the context of DEI, and investigates its acceptance as an act of reclaiming a historically marginalized identity, and as an appropriation of racial difference; the third, “Jews are ethnically diverse” explores the manifestations of Ashkenazi-Sephardi relations in diaspora organizations, and the sidelining of race. Throughout those diversity discourses, the repercussions on the lives of workplace are critically examined.
Abstract: Diaspora organizations can be seen as spaces where national identities are negotiated, expanded, and contested, and as transnational sites where organizational members hold overlapping and multiple frames of belonging and loyalty. This framing suggests the potential to extend diversity debates beyond the us/them binary logic of the nation-state. This qualitative study explores representations of Israel-Palestine in Jewish organizations in the UK, that broadly identify with a liberal Zionist orientation. It examines how nationhood and attachment to “homeland” are constructed, negotiated, and managed in everyday organizational life, with particular attention to moments of ambiguity and dissent. It shows how, as employees navigate diasporic ambivalence, diversity and inclusion discourses work to shape and often limit political-ideological differences. It contributes to diversity and organization studies by conceptualizing nationhood and homeland attachment as DEI questions and by advancing a diaspora organizational lens on how nationalism and belonging are negotiated in workplaces. It also highlights the ambivalent role of communities in DEI work, showing how community engagement can operate both as a source of ethical grounding and as a gatekeeping mechanism that constrains organizational capacity to accommodate difference.
Abstract: This paper examines the adaptation and proliferation of antisemitic narratives on Telegram during the Russian-Ukrainian war, tracing their evolution from historical myths to digital propaganda. Through a qualitative analysis of Telegram channels in Russian and Ukrainian, we explore how classical antisemitic tropes such as conspiracy theories about Jewish global control, Holocaust denial, and accusations of dual loyalty are repurposed to shift blame for the war onto Jews. Our findings reveal a multilayered process of blame-shifting operating across historical, social, national, and global levels, positioning Jews as instigators of conflict to deflect civic and political responsibility from Russians and Ukrainians. We argue that this antisemitic rhetoric serves as a tool of social manipulation and political deflection, embedded in diverse nationalist and conspiratorial digital environments. By embedding these narratives within Telegram’s unregulated and virally oriented ecosystem, content creators amplify prejudice, erode social cohesion, and perpetuate cycles of mistrust and scapegoating. This study highlights the enduring power of antisemitic myths in contemporary digital conflict narratives and calls for further research into the structural mechanisms enabling their spread.
Abstract: Antisemitism, understood as a particular manifestation of racism directed against a collectivity defined by religion, ethnicity, or a combination of both, constitutes a form of social exclusion. Such exclusion operates through formal and informal mechanisms that separate members of the targeted group from full participation in various spheres of social life. It may manifest as an outright prohibition from entering specific social circles or events, or as a conditional and restricted form of participation-one permitted only under special, typically unfavorable, terms. In both situations, inclusion is perceived as improper or undesirable, and when it occurs, it is often subject to heightened scrutiny or control. As with other forms of racism, antisemitism may persist within a society irrespective of the presence or absence of legislation explicitly supporting it. Moreover, antisemitism can remain operative even in contexts where laws formally prohibit ethnic or religious discrimination. This is possible because exclusion and discrimination may assume subtle or covert forms, legitimized through the selective or manipulative use of legal provisions that allow for differential treatment on ostensibly neutral grounds. The capacity of antisemitism to hide behind seemingly unrelated attitudes or arguments -masking negative sentiment toward Jews as a collectivity- raises fundamental questions about how the term “antisemitism” should be defined and what indicators are necessary for its identification and systematic analysis. This paper discusses the controversy surrounding competing definitions of antisemitism as it emerged before and after the recent Israel-Palestinian conflict, where legitimate political critique of the State of Israel is at times intertwined with antisemitic discourse disguised as purely political disapproval of Israeli policies or leadership.
