Abstract: In diesem Sommer zeigte sich besonders deutlich, dass die Angriffe auf die Erinnerung die Arbeit der Gedenkstätten massiv behindern. Wöchentlich wurden zuletzt Hakenkreuz-Schmierereien in Buchenwald entdeckt. Das Thema verschwand dennoch für den Moment aus dem medialen Fokus. Der Grund: Am 7. Oktober überfiel die Terrororganisation Hamas die israelische Zivilbevölkerung. Der 7. Oktober bedeutet eine tiefgreifende Zäsur in der Geschichte Israels – mit drastischen Auswirkungen auch für Jüdinnen*Juden in Deutschland.
Das hat auch viel mit dem Thema dieses Lagebilds zu tun, wie aktuelle Vorfälle zeigen. Sie machen deutlich, wie das Gedenken an den Nationalsozialismus angegriffen wird, um gegen den Staat Israel zu agitieren. Israelbezogener Antisemitismus und Post-Shoah-Antisemitismus gehen oft Hand in Hand.Wegen Angriffen auf die Erinnerung von allen Seiten bekommt die Gedenkkultur Risse.
Die extreme Rechte will diese Risse im Gedenken. Risse werden mit der Zeit größer und tiefer. Spätestens 2017, mit der Dresdener Rede Höckes, wurde deutlich: Die extreme Rechte will noch mehr. Sie will die Gedenkkultur einreißen und dagegen eine Erinnerung setzen, die die Verbrechen der Nationalsozialisten relativiert. Das hat den Effekt, dass Gedenkstätten immer öfter zum Ziel von Angriffen und Vandalismus werden.
Momentan wird die Rolle der extremen Rechten kaum diskutiert, weil der Blick – aus gutem Grund – auf die islamistischen und linken Gruppierungen gerichtet ist, die den Hamas-Terror verherrlichen und eine Grundlage für weitere antisemitische Vorfälle in Deutschland schaffen. Im Windschatten der Terror-Verherrlichung setzt die extreme Rechte ihre Angriffe auf die Erinnerung fort. In der Gedenkstätte Ahlem in Hannover (Niedersachsen) wurden Ende Oktober mehrere Gedenktafeln mit Aufklebern überklebt. Neben „Befreie dich vom Schuldkult“ war ein Aufkleber mit einer Palästina-Fahne und den Worten „Free Palestine End Israeli Occupation“ zu lesen. Ein Aufkleber der Neonazi-Gruppierung Junge Nationalisten zeigte eine blutige Israel-Fahne mit der Parole „Israel mordet und die Welt schaut zu“.
Immer wieder wird der Krieg gegen Israel mit Angriffen auf die Erinnerung verknüpft. Das Zivilgesellschaftliche Lagebild Antisemitismus #12 nimmt die Risse in der Erinnerung an den Nationalsozialismus in den Blick und ergänzt die aktuell geführte Antisemitismuskritik um eine spezifisch deutsche Facette: Jede Art von Antisemitismus in diesem Land bringt auch einen Ruf nach einem Schlussstrich mit sich.
Abstract: This paper deepens our understanding of the construction of ethno-racial diversity and difference in organizations, and the consequences of those discursive struggles on the lives of workers. Categories of difference are usually seen as building blocks of diversity management, however critical and postcolonial researchers have long pointed out the need to develop more flexible and context-sensitive epistemologies in studying racial inequality, beyond binary conceptions of blackness and whiteness. The Jewish context offers a unique opportunity to explore those discursive dynamics, due to the elusive nature of “Jewish difference”, taboos over the use of racial classifications, and possible conflicts between an anti-racist stance and a Zionist affiliation. Exploring the diversity discourse within UK Jewish nonprofit organizations reveals three main diversity frames: in the first, “Jews are white”, the construction the Jewish organization as a white space is explored, as well as DEI efforts to bridge the Jewish-black gap; the second, “Jews are non-white”, explores this re-emerging discourse in the context of DEI, and investigates its acceptance as an act of reclaiming a historically marginalized identity, and as an appropriation of racial difference; the third, “Jews are ethnically diverse” explores the manifestations of Ashkenazi-Sephardi relations in diaspora organizations, and the sidelining of race. Throughout those diversity discourses, the repercussions on the lives of workplace are critically examined.
Abstract: Как, в какой обстановке человек начинает испытывать ксенофобские чувства, в том числе антисемитизм? Следует ли искать корни этого в семейных традициях, в детской дворовой или школьной среде, в чтении соответствующей литературы, во влиянии взрослых наставников, встреченных на жизненном пути, в идейных поисках и стремлении осмыслить окружающую действительность, в определенных контекстах социального общения или пережитых травматических обстоятельствах?
Объектами моего анализа являются люди, зарекомендовавшие себя своими многолетними пространными антисемитскими публикациями. Все они – интеллектуалы, в свое время получившие полное или незаконченное вузовское образование. По этим данным вырисовываются два типажа и две линии, ведущие к антисемитизму. Очевидно, следует различать идеологических антисемитов, перешедших на эту позицию в результате своего жизненного опыта и интеллектуальных размышлений, и почвеннических антисемитов, получивших индоктринацию в своей семье. Первые шли от разума, вторые начали свой путь, опираясь на эмоции. Биографии первых показывают, что в молодости они не раз меняли свою позицию, свое отношение к религии и внешнему миру и свои политические взгляды. Вторые впитывали антисемитские чувства от старших родственников – родителей или дедушек и бабушек. В детские годы они слышали соответствующие разговоры, наблюдали за реакцией или за поступками старших в соответствующих ситуациях. Позднее на это наслаивалась новая информация, которую они тщательно отбирали, стремясь, чтобы она соответствовала их уже сложившимся убеждениям.
Abstract: The social media landscape is ever-changing as is its relationship to Holocaust memory and education. In the earlier days of Facebook and Twitter’s dominance, there was a clear divide of opinions in the Holocaust sector. On one hand, some institutions were early adopters (notably the Auschwitz State Museum) and others experimented with the affordances of these platforms such as the team at Grodzka Gate, Lublin extending the analogue practice of school pupils sending letters to child Holocaust victim Henio Zytomirski onto Facebook and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s ‘tweet-up’ hybrid architecture tour. On the other hand, expressions of hesitance about these participatory spaces informed the need for the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s Education Working Group to establish guidelines for using social media in this context (2014).
As practice grew, it also became somewhat formalised with most organisations predominantly focusing on Twitter, Facebook and Instagram for public engagement work, and most content presenting traditional curation of historical sources with additional narrative, promoting the organisation’s offline (or elsewhere online) work, or behind the scenes access to curator and educator experiences. Whilst, one of the
celebrated potentials about social media is their ability to help organisations to reach wider (global) audiences, little has changed online since Eva Pfanzelter’s (2014) claim that the Holocaust institutions that dominated previously offline, also dominate on social media platforms. Few others attract much engagement with their posts.
TikTok has brought both new opportunities and challenges for the Holocaust sector – organisations and individuals who have taken to creating content on the platform are seeing far greater engagement than they had on previous ones. Yet, TikTok is also one of the most data-invasive and opaque platforms regarding researcher access. Many also encounter far more Holocaust denial, distortion and trivialisation on this platform. However, the social media landscape is also far larger than the Holocaust sector has really acknowledged and much of the coded hate content that appears on mainstream platforms has been cultivated at scale on others, from 8Chan to Telegram, and gaming and VR social spaces. It is imperative therefore that we bring together a wide range of stakeholders and experts to discuss what the sector needs to move forward with its work on social media. If Holocaust memory and education is to remain visible in the ever-expanding digital world, then it must be visible across a variety of digital spaces.
This report serves as an important first step in this work. It was created as part of the research project ‘Participatory Workshops – Co-Designing Standards for Digital Interventions in Holocaust Memory and Education’, which is one thread of the larger Digital Holocaust Memory Project at the University of Sussex.
The participatory workshops project have focused on six themes, each of which brought together a different range of expertise to discuss current challenges and consider possible recommendations for the future. The themes were:
AI and machine learning
Digitising material evidence
Recording, recirculating and remixing testimony
Social media
Virtual memoryscapes
Computer games
Abstract: In this article, we analyse Il Memoriale della Shoah, the memorial of the victims of the Shoah in Milan, which was inaugurated in 2013 and, in 2015, was turned into a night shelter for destitute migrants. To understand the rhetoric and politics of the Memorial, we bring together the notions of affective practices, découpages du temps (lit. slices of time) and multidirectional memory. This analytic approach allows us to examine the nonlinear shape of remembering, the dialectic relationships between the spatialisation of time and the temporalisation of space, the ways in which emotions are brought into being semiotically in context, and the ethical questions that these feelings raise. Through detailed multimodal and affective analysis of the affordances of the built environment and its soundscape, the curation of the Memorial, the contextualisation of three guided tours (two online and one in situ) and politicised commentary on the Memorial’s decision to shelter refugees, our paper illustrates the multi-layered character of the relationship between space and time – one in which the past, the present and the future partly overlap and mobilise political action.
Abstract: Antisemitism is still a significant problem in Polish society. This is the conclusion that emerges from the quantitative data from previous years and the statements of our interviewees.
Within the Jewish community, members often report encountering antisemitism in the form of unsavoury jokes and stereotypes rather than overt discrimination. However, conversations around the Holocaust and Polish-Jewish history frequently lead to antisemitic stereotypes and hate speech. Interestingly, the Holocaust is often the subject of jokes. This may be attributable to the perception of Jews as a historical minority who once lived in Poland.
In educational settings, courses on the Jewish community are overwhelmingly historical, primarily focusing on World War II. Almost all respondents, except non-Jewish youth, agree that contemporary Jewish topics are seldom covered in schools. This gap in multicultural education has led to a lack of understanding about nondiscrimination and minority-related issues across various age groups in Polish society.
While younger generations appear to be more tolerant toward minorities and more open to learning about them, the term "Jew" is still reportedly used as an insult among them. Discrimination is not limited to the Jewish community; focus group respondents also identified Ukrainians, Roma, people of colour, and the LGBTQ+ community as other discriminated groups. Despite the majority of focus group participants being women, only one person in each group cited women as a discriminated-against minority.
Abstract: In general, the Jewish population in Hungary has a high level of education and is in a good position socially and financially, according to the available literature and our interviewees. Those who identify as Jews are mostly non-religious and consider themselves predominantly European citizens or equally Jewish and Hungarian. According to research, the level of antisemitism in Hungary increased significantly around 2010, presumably due to the rise in popularity of the far-right Jobbik party. Since 2015, the available data show that the level of antisemitism has not changed significantly. At the same time, most interviewees reported a general increase in antisemitism in the country, citing the internet as the primary cause, as well as the family background, deficiencies of the education system, the polarisation of society, and the government‘s Soros campaign. In Hungary, antisemitism is most often manifested in the form of conspiracy theories, but other forms are also present (e.g. emotional antisemitism, new antisemitism). According to the available data, the most common form of antisemitism is hate speech. The number of hate crimes is negligible. At the political level, antisemitism emerged from the second half of the 2000s in connection with Jobbik and has been one of the tools of far-right parties (currently Mi Hazánk – Our Homeland) ever since, albeit in a less direct form than before, disguised by coded speech and appearing mainly as conspiracy theories. Although the Fidesz government announced zero tolerance towards antisemitism in 2013, it has focused its communication on several issues related to antisemitism in recent years. These include the campaign against George Soros, the glorification of antisemitic politicians (e.g. Miklós Horthy) and artists (e.g. Albert Wass) between the two world wars, the distortion of the memory of the Holocaust, and the fight against the global external enemy. Antisemitism is also present in the sports fan milieu, primarily in the football fan scene and especially in the ultra scene. According to a 2017 survey, half of Hungarian Jews have experienced antisemitism in their lifetime, and all of our Jewish interviewees mentioned such experiences. Many of them highlighted the government‘s antisemitism-related doubletalk’s negative effects on their sense of security. While antisemitism is undoubtedly present in Hungary, research and interviewees also suggest that society is much more prejudiced towards other minorities, especially the Roma, the LGBTQ+, and migrants. According to first-line practitioners, the extent to which antisemitism is present among students depends on the school. When it appears among students, it is primarily present in verbal forms, and often, there are no real antisemitic sentiments in the background. Several interviewees identified education as one of the most important tools to reduce antisemitism.
Abstract: This document was prepared based on the analysis of materials found through documentary research, in particular on materials and sources made available by the CDEC Foundation and the Union of Italian Jewish Communities (UCEI) portal, and on the analysis of data acquired through the responses of the interviewees intended to provide structured and documented information on the phenomenon of antisemitism in Italy today. In particular, the report focuses on the situation of Italian Jewish communities and Jewish life in its social, political, economic, cultural and religious dimensions.
The most substantial part of the report concerns the level of antisemitism in Italian society, its prevalent forms and the areas in which it manifests itself. With reference to the different manifestations of antisemitism, it’s pointed out which stereotypes are present in society and which are the most prevalent. From this analysis, it’s clear that the forms and areas in which antisemitism manifests itself differ according to the degree of schooling, cultural formation and socio-economic background of the perpetrators of antisemitic acts. Hence, it is difficult to identify the profile of the antisemite rigidly. The areas where acts of hatred and hate crimes are most prevalent are social media and sports, particularly soccer. Still, even in the political debate, it is evident that more or less latent forms of antisemitism related to Nazi-fascist ideology are present for far-right movements and anti-Zionism for the extreme left wing.
The report also aims to highlight which other minorities are most discriminated against in Italy and what stereotypes and prejudices associated with them, as well as what are the intersections between antisemitism and other forms of racism and intolerance. Considerable space is, finally, devoted to the educational strategies implemented in schools to counter and prevent antisemitism as the direction of the Italian Ministry of Education and Merit (IMPE) points to the dissemination and implementation of the Guidelines for Countering Antisemitism (2019) in public schools and the promotion of a culture of dialogue and peace.
Abstract: This research report presents the findings of an extensive study conducted in Romania between March and September 2023, focusing on the multifaceted issue of antisemitism in the country. The study provides an analysis of the contemporary situation of Jewish communities in Romania, the prevalence and perceptions of antisemitism, and
its intersection with other forms of intolerance.
Additionally, the report examines efforts to prevent antisemitism through educational initiatives. The research reveals that antisemitism in Romania has deep historical roots, and it is still pervasive and widespread. It typically takes the form of latent stereotypes and prejudices, manifested in narratives that are deeply intertwined with complex
conspiracy theories and nationalist interpretations of Romanian history. Many individuals are unaware
of the current-day expressions and manifestations of antisemitism, and this lack of awareness further
exacerbates the problem. Although Romania has introduced legislation in recent years to combat
antisemitism and other forms of discrimination and intolerance, the enforcement and implementation
of these laws are inconsistent and sporadic.
A positive development is the introduction of Holocaust education as a mandatory subject in high schools, starting in 2023. However, there are challenges in the effective implementation of this curriculum. Teachers call for clearer guidelines, training, and updated educational materials to ensure the new curriculum fulfils its goals. The research underscores the pressing need for efforts to acknowledge and address antisemitism in Romania. These efforts should include increasing awareness about contemporary manifestations of antisemitism, consistent enforcement of
existing legislation, and working collaboratively across sectors to strengthen Holocaust education
initiatives. These steps are essential in combating the deeply entrenched antisemitism in the country
and promoting a more inclusive and tolerant society for all.
Abstract: To cope with the covid-19 pandemic, people not only relied on state measures and scientific knowledge, but also drew on the resources of religion. They may also have embraced conspiracy theories that sometimes led them to engage in protest behavior. Against this background, we address the following research question: “How are people's religiosity and spirituality related to their belief in covid-19 conspiracy theories in Germany?” We answer this question by conducting a theory-led empirical analysis. We apply quantitative methods based on primary data from a (non-representative) online survey that we carried out with 2,373 respondents in Germany between July 2020 and January 2021. The results show that belief in covid-19 conspiracy theories is positively correlated with the image of a punitive God, with exclusivist beliefs, and with private prayer—and negatively correlated with attendance at religious services. Moreover, Catholics, Protestants, Muslims, and Jews have a lower affinity for conspiracy theories than not religiously affiliated people, while the opposite is true for Evangelicals.
Abstract: Eine Vielzahl von Institutionen und Initiativen in Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz sammelt, erforscht und vermittelt jüdische Geschichte und Kultur. Dazu gehören Museen, Bibliotheken und Archive, Gedenkstätten, Vereine, Kommissionen, Universitätsinstitute und private Initiativen; es gibt Projekte zur Erforschung jüdischer Friedhöfe ebenso wie genealogische Gesellschaften. Sie sind lokal, regional sowie überregional tätig und werden durch staatliche Förderung oder privates Engagement getragen.
Das Buch bietet erstmals eine aktuelle Bestandsaufnahme dieser Institutionen und Initiativen, die mitunter auf eine lange Tradition zurückblicken können, insbesondere in den letzten drei Jahrzehnten aber an Zahl zugenommen und Bedeutung gewonnen haben. In diesem übersichtlichen Nachschlagewerk beschreiben die einzelnen Institutionen ihre Entstehung, Entwicklung und Aufgaben. Genaue Angaben zu den Archiv- und Sammlungsbeständen ermöglichen Interessierten einen Zugang zu schriftlichen, bildlichen und materiellen Überlieferungen zur jüdischen Geschichte und Kultur im deutschsprachigen Raum.
Abstract: Im vorliegenden Studienbericht werden die zentralen Befunde aus einer in Sachsen-Anhalt in den Jahren 2021–2023 durchgeführten Studie zu Antisemitismus im institutionellen Kontext Schule vorgestellt und diskutiert. Die Studie ist Teil einer Bundesländerstudienreihe, die seit 2017 am Forschungsbereich des Kompetenzzentrums für Antisemitismuskritische Bildung und Forschung durchgeführt wird – seit 2021 in einer institutionalisierten Forschungskooperation mit der Fachhochschule Potsdam.
Im Rahmen der Studienreihe wurden neben der Studie in Sachsen-Anhalt regionale Studien in Berlin, Baden-Württemberg, Thüringen und Sachsen umgesetzt.
In einer bundesweiten Familienstudie wurden zudem Erfahrungen mit Antisemitismus an Schulen aus den Perspektiven jüdischer Jugendlicher und jüdischer Familien untersucht. Diese Befunde fließen in die Bundesländerstudienreihe mit ein und bilden die Grundlage für die Analyse jüdischer Erfahrungen im Kontext der Institution Schule. Das Erkenntnisinteresse der Bundesländerstudien betrifft in erster Linie die Wahrnehmungen, Deutungen und Praktiken im Umgang mit Antisemitismus in der Institution Schule aus den Perspektiven von (ehemaligen) jüdischen Schüler*innen, Lehrkräften und weiteren schulischen Fachkräften. Die vertiefenden Untersuchungen in einzelnen Bundesländern als Teil der Bundesländerstudienreihe sollen zudem
die Berücksichtigung regionaler gesellschaftlicher, bildungspolitischer und historischer Spezifika im Umgang mit Antisemitismus sowie langfristig einen Vergleich zwischen den Bundesländern ermöglichen.
In diesem Bericht gehen wir zunächst auf den Hintergrund der Studie in Sachsen-Anhalt ein, skizzieren exemplarisch den Forschungsstand, ordnen den methodologischen Zugang zu Antisemitismus als Diskriminierungs- und Gewaltform im institutionellen Kontext Schule ein, erläutern das Forschungsdesign und diskutieren schließlich die Befunde und Reflexionsempfehlungen. Zu beachten ist, dass die Daten vor dem antisemitischen Massaker durch islamistische Terrorgruppen in Israel im Oktober 2023 und dem darauffolgenden Anstieg des offenen Antisemitismus in Deutschland erhoben wurden. Dieser Bericht gibt somit vertiefte Einblicke in den Umgang mit Antisemitismus im Schulalltag in Sachsen-Anhalt aus jüdischen und nichtjüdischen Perspektiven vor dem Terror des 7. Oktobers. Studienteilnehmende einer anderen Studie (vgl. Chernivsky / Lorenz-Sinai 2024 b) zu den Auswirkungen des 7. Oktobers auf jüdische und israelische Communities beschreiben die Folgen des Terrorangriffs als weitreichende »Zäsur«. Jüdische Eltern schildern ihre Sorgen, dass die Bekanntgabe der jüdischen Identität ihrer Kinder im Kontext Schule gegen sie genutzt werden könnte. Insofern sind die Befunde aus der in den Jahren 2021–2023 in Sachsen-Anhalt durchgeführten Studie nicht veraltet, sondern bilden jüdische Alltagserfahrungen und Lehrer*innenperspektiven auf Antisemitismus ab. Zugleich kann auch in Sachsen-Anhalt seit dem 7. Oktober 2023 von einer Veränderung des Sicherheitsgefühls jüdischer Familien und Lehrkräfte im Raum Schule ausgegangen werden sowie von einer Zunahme antisemitischer Übergriffe.
Abstract: In this chapter I intend to present what happens when contemporary Western activist and academic anti-Zionism falls on the fertile soil of a country which is, firstly, semi-peripheral and, secondly, burdened with a history of antisemitism that is as intense as it is specific. Its specificity entails three postwar waves of Jewish emigration caused by antisemitic violence, primarily to Israel. The first two happened in 1946–9 and 1956–60, respectively. The third of these waves was triggered by what in Poland is generally referred to as ‘March’. The repression of student youth protesting against censorship intensified in March 1968, but the antisemitic campaign with which the state authorities cracked down on opposition within the party and on the streets lingered on for much longer. It was unleashed under the banner of ‘anti-Zionism’. I will first briefly outline the events of that period, since knowledge of them is essential to understanding the meanings with which the term ‘Zionism’ is imbued in Poland. Next I will outline the contemporary politics of remembrance of ‘March’ and, more broadly, the stakes of Polish historical politics, which are related to the collective manifestations of Poles’ attitudes towards Jews. These three phenomena – March 1968, the management of its memory and contemporary historical politics reproducing antisemitic clichés – form, so I would like to suggest, the first context against which the functioning of anti-Zionism in Poland today should be considered.
Abstract: Este ensayo pretende acercar al lector, desde una visión panorámica, a la ideología del antisemitismo, centrándose en el caso de la Alemania contemporánea y el antijudaísmo en general, comenzando, por ello, con una breve aproximación al fenómeno en sus etapas medieval y moderna. Después, el núcleo del trabajo pasa por una doble motivación: primero, un breve repaso a lo que hemos considerado “antisemitismo stricto sensu” que se da en la Alemania del último tercio del siglo xix y, segundo, una reflexión acerca de la permanencia del fenómeno en nuestros días y el propósito de
revertirlo, procurando extender la dignidad a toda la humanidad.
