Abstract: Many young Slovak Jews, belonging to the third post-war generation, learned about their Jewishness only later in their lives, when outer triggers – whether a classmate’s comment or a history lesson about the Holocaust – raised questions to which they received unexpected answers at home. This study focuses on family secrets and their productivity, and on social taboos on information about Jewish descent, in the context of perceived insecurity across three generations of Slovak Jews. Exploring how young people discovered their Jewishness and how it was presented to them by their closest kin – who had previously kept it secret from them – along with the warning not to tell anyone about it, this study shows the formative power of this information for a sense of self, as well as for their relations to others. Based on ethnographic fieldwork among the Jewish community in Bratislava, the author shows how contemporary young Jews – the grandchildren of Holocaust survivors – navigate their uncovered family secret, and how they negotiate the disruption in the continuity of their life stories and the intergenerational transmission of uncertainty and mistrust, which encourages the use of strategies of careful concealment of “otherness”, affecting their everyday life and relationships.
Abstract: This article examines antisemitism and Holocaust denial in contemporary Far-Right German politics with a focus on the party Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland, AfD). The article argues that the AfD has attempted to ‘tiptoe around Nazism’—a phrase coined by the author, which describes how the party has strategically and haphazardly reacted to scandals as they arise in order to avoid being associated with Nazism and losing moderate voters. The first section investigates how the AfD has reacted to various internal scandals that have damaged its reputation. This analysis encompasses the party’s fraught relationship to the Islamophobic, anti-refugee organization PEGIDA (Patriotic Europeans against the Islamicization of the Occident) as well as the ‘Höcke Affair,’ in which prominent AfD leader Björn Höcke denigrated the Berlin Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe as a ‘monument of shame.’ The second section examines the AfD’s proactive attempts to tiptoe around Nazism by portraying itself as philosemitic and pro-Israel and courting Jewish voters as part of its controversial subgroup Jews in the AfD (Juden in der AfD, JAfD). Here it explains how JAfD members, particularly Jews who immigrated to Germany from the former Soviet Union, have rationalized their paradoxical support for this outwardly antisemitic and denialist party. The conclusion situates the AfD in the broader transatlantic context of Far-Right extremism, highlighting trends that may signal—yet, more likely, will fail to bring about—the party’s demise.
Abstract: Postkoloniale und poststrukturalistische antirassistische Theorieansätze gewinnen weltweit einen immer größeren Einfluss an Universitäten, im Politik- und Kulturbetrieb sowie in sozialen Bewegungen. Das Bild, das prominente Vertreterinnen und Vertreter dieser Ansätze dabei von Antisemitismus und Holocaust einerseits, Judentum und Zionismus andererseits zeichnen, weist systematische Verzerrungen und Fehler auf: Unterschiedliche Formen und Radikalitätsgrade der begrifflichen Entspezifizierung oder Verharmlosung von Antisemitismus, der Relativierung der Shoah sowie der Dämonisierung Israels und des Zionismus sind dabei festzustellen. Die folgende Bibliographie bietet einen ersten Überblick über Kritiken an postkolonialen, bzw. postmodern-antirassistischen Deutungen von Antisemitismus, Shoah, Zionismus und Israel. Nicht alle der dabei aufgelisteten Texte sind grundlegende Kritiken an solchen Ansätzen. Manche kritisieren lediglich spezielle, aber signifikante Punkte der postkolonialen und antirassistischen Deutung der oben genannten Themen. Eine Liste mit ausgewählten kritischen Beiträgen zur 2020 begonnenen deutschen Feuilleton-Debatte über postkoloniale Theoretiker wie Achille Mbembe, Michael Rothberg oder Dirk Moses wurde ebenso angefügt wie einige Literaturhinweise zu Kritiken an der Israel-Boykottkampagne BDS, dem prominentesten politischen Bewegungskontext postkolonialer und antirassistisch artikulierter Angriffe auf den jüdischen Staat. Berücksichtigung fanden in Gestalt einer separaten Liste auch Kritiken an der sog. Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism, weil diese als wesentlicher Versuch gewertet werden kann, ‚subalterne‘ oder ‚postkoloniale‘ Formen von israelbezogenem Antisemitismus zu verharmlosen.
Abstract: Ashkenazic Hebrew is a unique language variety with a centuries-long history of written use among Central and Eastern European Jews. It has distinct phonological and grammatical features attested in texts composed by Ashkenazic Jews (e.g. adherents of the Hasidic and Maskilic movements) in Europe prior to the twentieth century. While Ashkenazic Hebrew is commonly believed to have been replaced by Israeli Hebrew in the twentieth century, this traditional written variety of the language actually continues to thrive in contemporary Diaspora Haredi (strictly Orthodox) communities, chiefly the Hasidic centres of New York, London, Montreal and Antwerp. This fascinating and understudied form of Hebrew is used widely and productively in the composition of a rich variety of original documents for a Hasidic audience (about e.g. Covid transmission, United States educational stipulations, Zoom schooling, lockdown rules, etc.). In this article we demonstrate that contemporary Ashkenazic Hebrew has many shared orthographic, phonological, grammatical and lexical features with its Eastern European antecedent. These include: orthography of loanwords based on Yiddish conventions (e.g. חולי הקאראנא xóylay ha-koróna ‘those ill with coronavirus’); morphology of plural loan nouns (בקאלידזשעס be-kóleǧes‘in colleges’, הפראגראמע״ן haprográmen ‘the programmes’); retention of the definite article with inseparable prepositions (בהשכונה be-ha-šxíne‘in the neighbourhood’);
Abstract: The dissertation explores anti-Jewish racism as a structural phenomenon inherent to Swedish society. While research often has separated the study of anti-Jewish racism/antisemitism from other racisms, this dissertation is located within the field of critical race studies to explore anti-Jewish racism as part of larger social and racialised structures.
The study is theoretically framed by a feminist and antiracist gaze that locates Sweden and constructions of “Swedishness” at the core of the analysis, enabling a perspective on anti-Jewish racism as a relational and dynamic social phenomenon. Methodologically the study is inspired by a qualitative tradition, situated at the crossroads of in-depth interviews with self-identified Jews on experiences of anti-Jewish racism and Jewish identity, discourse analysis of media debates, film analysis, and participant observations.
The dissertation explores the entanglements of anti-Jewish racism with notions of “Swedish exceptionalism”, “Swedish gender equality”, the categories of Protestantism and secularism, and racism against other “Others” within what is referred to as the Swedish racial regime. By doing so, the thesis expands the field of critical race studies in Sweden to incorporate an analysis of anti-Jewish racism as a social phenomenon, but also develops a critical analysis of the Swedish racial regime through a specific focus of anti-Jewish racism.
The study illuminates that migration from the Global South is often portrayed within hegemonic discourses as a racist threat against Jews, obscuring Swedish anti-Jewish racism. At the same time, the important demographical shifts that have occurred in Sweden due to this migration have rendered Jews “whiter” in relative terms, and the pressure to adapt to Protestant-secular norms of Swedish “sameness” has decreased, opening up for demands of recognition and Jewish visibility. However, Protestant-secular norms regulating Swedish society confer the category of Jews to a position of conditional “Swedishness”, with public display of Jewishness creating instances of Swedish white discomfort. Thus, the category of Jews embodies a position of ambivalence in the Swedish racial regime, subjected to processes of racialisation but also relative racial privilege. Moreover, this ambiguity occurs in a context of a dynamic of “care” towards the Jewish “Other”, shaped through the perceived threat of the Muslim “Other”, partly reducing the category of Jews to a position of victimhood, while producing an image of Sweden as a progressive and “tolerant” nation, disavowing the ongoing exclusion of those categorised as “different” from Swedish Protestant secularism.
The dissertation suggests that challenging the demands for Swedish “sameness” and the dismantling of hegemonic and racist notions of “Swedishness” would open up for greater possibilities of lives beyond racism.
Abstract: Muslims across Europe have been labeled as uncivil since the migration waves of postcolonial and guestworker migrants in the mid-20th century. In this paper, I bring the Muslim experience in the German capital into conversation with Civil Sphere Theory (CST), which analyzes how senses of cultural boundedness are supported, shaped, and contested through the interrelations between the institutions of civil society and social movements aimed at expanding civic inclusion. Drawing on two years of ethnographic research in a Berlin mosque, I move from Muslim associations with incivility to the actions these associations provoke in relation to the civil sphere: exploring how those deemed uncivil exert agency in response to, and also in spite of a civil/uncivil divide. Through the voices and experiences of my interlocutors, I show that Muslims are not simply a victimized out-group excluded from the German civil sphere, but are also agents of change who actively seek to gain full inclusion within it. Specifically, I trace how my German Muslim interlocutors contend with their negative social status by drawing on narratives, and enlivening connections that link them to the German Jewish experience: seeking incorporation in the civil sphere through identifications with another “Other,” and through this other, also mainstream society.
Abstract: Contre toute attente, l’antisémitisme est redevenu un phénomène politique et social d’actualité en France. Au-delà d’une simple persistance de préjugés anciens, il s’incarne depuis la fin de la guerre de 1939-1945 dans une expansion sans précédent des violences antijuives, allant des insultes jusqu’au meurtre. Sa reviviscence dans l’une des plus vieilles nations démocratiques d’Europe est le signe d’un malaise social et politique qui reste à interpréter. Quels sont les lieux, les milieux et les significations de cette animosité haineuse ? Doit-on y voir l’effet de la persistance de l’ancien ? d’un déplacement ? de la recomposition de formes inédites, portées par des acteurs nouveaux, dans un contexte pourtant gagné aux principes démocratiques ?
Alors même que l’ampleur du phénomène est de nature à mobiliser les sciences sociales pour l’élucider et aider à le combattre, cet antisémitisme s’est accompagné d’un certain déni : longtemps minimisé dans les médias, il peine à être reconnu dans le monde judiciaire et reste peu exploré par les sciences sociales. Cet ouvrage entend donc contribuer à l’analyse rigoureuse du phénomène, en proposant à la réflexion les textes d’historiens, de philosophes, de sociologues et de politistes.
Abstract: The EU-Funded RELATION – RESEARCH, KNOWLEDGE & EDUCATION AGAINST ANTISEMITISM project https://www.relationproject.eu) aims at defining an innovative strategy that starts from a better knowledge of the Jewish history/traditions as part of the common history/traditions, and puts in place a set of educational activities in Belgium, Italy, Romania and Spain as well as online actions in order to tackle the phenomenon.
The project activities include the monitoring of antisemitism phenomenon online in the four countries of the project (Belgium, Italy, Romania and Spain) by creating a cross-country webmonitoring of illegal antisemitic hate speech.
The monitoring exercises aim at
• Analysing the removal rate of illegal antisemitic hate speech available on diverse Social Media Platforms, namely Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and TikTok.
• Partners organisations focused on their country language: French in Belgium, Italian, Romanian and Spanish;
• Analysing the types of content and narratives collected by the research team.
Four organisations from four different countries (Belgium, Italy, Spain and Romania) took part in the monitoring exercise. Comunitat Jueva Bet Shalom De Catalunya (Bet Shalom, Spain), CEJI - A Jewish Contribution to an Inclusive Europe (Belgium), Fondazione Centro Di Documentazione Ebraica Contemporanea (CDEC, Italy), Intercultural Institute Timișoara (IIT, Romania).
The monitoring exercise follows the definition of Illegal hate speech as defined “by the Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA of 28 November 2008 on combating certain forms and expressions of racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law and national laws transposing it, means all conduct publicly inciting to violence or hatred directed against a group of persons or a member of such a group defined by reference to race, colour, religion, descent or national or ethnic origin.”
The content was collected and reported to social media platforms between October 6th and 7th, 2022. Content was checked for removal on October 12th to give enough time to social media platforms to analyse and remove the content. The monitoring exercises devote particular attention to the intersection of antisemitism and sexism.
Abstract: Zwei Jahre nach dem ersten Lockdown zur Eindämmung der Coronapandemie, und immer noch mittendrin, erscheint unsere neue Handreichung genau zum Thema. Wir wollten erfahren, wie es Jugendlichen in der Pandemie ergeht, die ohnehin Rassismus und Antisemitismus ausgesetzt sind. Gleich zu Beginn der Pandemie wurden asiatisch gelesene Menschen angefeindet, weil sie für die Verbreitung des Virus verantwortlich gemacht wurden, auch italienische Restaurants wurden angegriffen, als die Nachrichten über die starke Verbreitung von Covid 19 hier ankamen. Viele Jugendliche, die sich zunächst genauso wie die deutsch gelesenen Jugendlichen nicht an Abstandsregeln hielten, wurden nicht wie diese mehr oder weniger freundlich an die neuen Regeln erinnert, sondern rigoros kontrolliert. Bald schon kursierten erste Verschwörungserzählungen darüber, dass das Virus von Juden erfunden worden sei, um den Menschen zu schaden.
In den Interviews mit Fachkräften aus der (Offenen) Jugendarbeit werden wichtige Einsichten und Erkenntnisse ausgesprochen, die die Tiefe der diskriminierenden Strukturen aufzeigen und gute Einblicke in die Lebenswelten Berliner Jugendlicher geben. Die Interviews stehen für die Vielfalt Berliner Jugendarbeit und zeigen die große Bedeutung dieses oft vernachlässigten Arbeitsfeldes auf!
Abstract: Die Antisemitismusdebatten im zweiten und dritten Quartal 2022 waren von der internationalen Kunstausstellung documenta fifteen geprägt, die 100 Tage lang in Kassel stattfand. Das bedeutet nicht, dass die Verschwörungserzählungen im Kontext der Covid-19-Pandemie und des russischen Krieges gegen die Ukraine verschwunden sind. Allerdings wird in der Debatte um die documenta fifteen deutlich, wie die deutsche Gesellschaft mit Antisemitismus und insbesondere mit israelbezogenem Antisemitismus umgeht. Bereits Anfang 2022 wurde darauf hingewiesen, dass es zu antisemitischen Vorfällen im Kontext der Kunstschau kommen kann. Der Hinweis wurde abgewehrt und ignoriert. Doch mit der Eröffnung der Ausstellung hat sich die Warnung in jeder Hinsicht bestätigt: Die documenta fifteen zeigte eine Vielzahl antisemitischer Darstellungen, was weitgehend konsequenzlos blieb. Das Fazit des Lagebildes: Die deutsche Gesellschaft hat keinen guten Umgang mit Antisemitismus.
Die Darstellungen und der Umgang mit den Darstellungen bilden einen Schwerpunkt unseres Lagebildes. Neben der documenta fifteen konnte anhand mehrerer Ereignisse, z.B. in der Debatte um das BGH-Urteils zur Wittenberger „Judensau“, beobachtet werden, wie jüdische Perspektiven und Stimmen zwar gehört, aber letzten Endes nicht berücksichtigt werden. Ein Interview mit dem israelischen Soziologen Natan Sznaider und eine Auswahl antisemitischer Vorfälle, die sich im zweiten und dritten Quartal in Deutschland ereignet haben, führen vor Augen, wie konkret und real die Bedrohungslage für Jüdinnen*Juden in der Bundesrepublik ist.
Abstract: Of about a million Jews that arrived to Israel from the (former) USSR after 1989 some 12% left the country by the end of 2017. It is estimated that about a half of them left "back" for the FSU, and the rest for the USA, Canada and the Western Europe. The book provides a comprehensive analysis of this specific Jewish Israeli Diaspora group through cutting-edge approaches in the social sciences, and examines the settlement patterns of Israeli Russian-speaking emigrants, their identity, social demographic profile, reasons of emigration, their economic achievements, identification, and status vis-à-vis host Jewish and non-Jewish environment, vision of Israel, migration interests and behavior, as well as their social and community networks, elites and institutions. Vladimir Ze’ev Khanin makes a significant contribution to migration theory, academic understanding of transnational Diasporas, and sheds a new light on the identity and structure of contemporary Israeli society. The book is based on the unique statistics from Israeli and other Government sources and sociological information obtained from the author’s first of this kind on-going study of Israeli Russian-speaking emigrant communities in different regions of the world.
Abstract: Jewish Association Czulent as an advocacy organization working to spread tolerance and shape attitudes of openness towards national, ethnic and religious minorities, with particular emphasis on counteracting anti-Semitism and discrimination, taking into account cross-discrimination.
Observing the public debate on hate speech and hate crimes, which increasingly appears in the mainstream, we have noticed a high level of its politicization. This is particularly visible in the topic of anti-Semitism, which is even instrumentalized and used as a political tool.
The politicization and exploitation of hate thus influences discussions about hate crimes. In this way, we do not focus on the solutions and functioning of investigative bodies or courts, but on political "colors". As a result, injured people lose their human dimension and become only the subject of statistics.
Instead of focusing on eliminating the phenomenon or analyzing the increase in hate speech and hate crimes. We focus on the discourse regarding the uniqueness and tolerance of the "Polish nation". This contributes to the phenomenon of underreporting, and people and groups that require support and are particularly vulnerable to hateful attacks are afraid to report such attacks and seek support.
Therefore, we decided to focus on the injured people in our actions. We analyzed the individual stages, from the decision to report a crime to the final court judgment. The respondents represented various social groups, which allowed us to learn from different perspectives about the experiences and emotions that accompanied them at particular stages. In the interviews we conducted, we paid attention to the actors who appeared at various stages, which is why our study includes, in addition to the police, prosecutor's office, and courts, non-governmental organizations and the media.
We hope that our activities and research will contribute to supporting people exposed to such attacks and a comprehensive understanding of the challenges faced not only by people injured in hate crimes, but also by their representatives, investigators, prosecutors and judges. We encourage you to use the research cited, but also to develop and expand it.
Contents:
Information on the survey and methodology
Hate crimes – experiences
Human rights defenders
Directive 2012/29/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council
Gender aspects
Hate crimes – enhancements are needed
Summary and final conclusions
The publication was created thanks to funding from the Foundation Remembrance, Responsibility and Future (EVZ Foundation), as part of the project "Pre-project for the Project: Strategic Litigation as one of the Tools to Counteract Antisemitism on the Internet".
Author(s): Waites, William; Pearson, Carl A. B.; Gaskell, Katherine M.; House, Thomas; Pellis, Lorenzo; Johnson, Marina; Gould, Victoria; Hunt, Adam; Stone, Neil RH; Kasstan, Ben; Chantler, Tracey; Lal, Sham; Roberts, Chrissy H.; Goldblatt, David; CMMID COVID-19 Working Group; Marks, Michael; Eggo, Rosalind M.
Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately impacted ethnic minorities in the global north, evidenced by higher rates of transmission, morbidity, and mortality relative to population sizes. Orthodox Jewish neighbourhoods in London had extremely high SARS-CoV-2 seroprevalence rates, reflecting patterns in Israel and the US. The aim of this paper is to examine how responsibilities over health protection are conveyed, and to what extent responsibility is sought by, and shared between, state services, and ‘community’ stakeholders or representative groups, and families in public health emergencies.
The study investigates how public health and statutory services stakeholders, Orthodox Jewish communal custodians and households sought to enact health protection in London during the first year of the pandemic (March 2020–March 2021). Twenty-eight semi-structured interviews were conducted across these cohorts. Findings demonstrate that institutional relations – both their formation and at times fragmentation – were directly shaped by issues surrounding COVID-19 control measures. Exchanges around protective interventions (whether control measures, contact tracing technologies, or vaccines) reveal diverse and diverging attributions of responsibility and authority.
The paper develops a framework of public health relations to understand negotiations between statutory services and minority groups over responsiveness and accountability in health protection. Disaggregating public health relations can help social scientists to critique who and what characterises institutional relationships with minority groups, and what ideas of responsibility and responsiveness are projected by differently-positioned stakeholders in health protection.
