Abstract: Cet article analyse le sens stéréotypique et cinétique du terme « sioniste » dans les médias français contemporains. Partant du constat d’une instabilité sémantique accrue, notamment dans le contexte du conflit israélo-palestinien, l’étude interroge les usages médiatiques du mot et leur possible articulation avec des formes d’antisémitisme. S’appuyant sur la théorie de la Sémantique des Possibles Argumentatifs, l’auteure examine des collocations extraites du corpus frTenTen, telles que « entité sioniste », « lobby sioniste », « régime sioniste », ainsi que des constructions prédicatives du type « Les sionistes sont… ». L’analyse met en lumière l’activation, la désactivation et la transformation des associations stéréotypiques liées au noyau lexical de « sioniste ». Les résultats montrent que, si certains emplois demeurent neutres ou positifs, une part importante des occurrences étudiées véhicule des connotations négatives, conspirationnistes ou délégitimées. L’article souligne ainsi le caractère dynamique du sens lexical : les usages discursifs contribuent à remodeler le noyau sémantique du terme. En définitive, l’étude met en évidence la porosité possible entre la critique politique et le discours discriminatoire dans l’espace médiatique contemporain.
Abstract: Crisis situations foster the proliferation of various conspiracy beliefs, especially in the current high-choice media environment. Drawing on a national survey (n = 1,000), we show that in Romania, in the context of the current Hamas–Israel conflict, antisemitic attitudes, sourcing news from social media rather than from mainstream media and frequent church attendance correlate with stronger beliefs in conspiracy narratives. Antisemitism is the most powerful predictor, but only in the form of conviction that Israel controls the media, politics, money and power. Additionally, gender and age are also significant correlates, with younger women more prone to such beliefs.
Topics: Israel: Attitudes to Israel, Israel: Criticism, Israel: Jewish and Israeli Advocacy, Hasbarah and Lobbying, Israel: Jewish Attachment, Israel: Non-Jewish Support, Solidarity and Advocacy, Main Topic: Other, Palestinian Solidarity and Activism, Post-Colonial, National Identity
Abstract: Issued in November 1917 to pledge Britain’s support for the “establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people,” the Balfour Declaration has had dramatic historical repercussions, paving the way for the founding of Israel in 1948, the Palestinian Nakba, and the persistence of bloodshed. Tracing the complex dynamic of postcolonial guilt, self-exculpation, and amnesia that characterized various British responses to the Declaration over the years, the article examines how this dynamic shaped the numerous events held across the United Kingdom in November 2017 to mark the Declaration’s centenary. These commemorative events – allowing different communities to articulate the relationship between Britain’s historical accountability, Israel’s sovereignty, and Palestinians’ grievances – are read in light of two interrelated “post-postimperial” developments preoccupying Britain in 2017: a new conservative backlash against the seeping British willingness to acknowledge Britain’s colonial crimes, and the Brexit crisis, with its complex resonances of imperial legacies.
Abstract: This explorative study examines contemporary forms of antisemitism and the perceptions of Jewish identity among young, highly educated Greeks. Using a structured questionnaire, the study investigated (1) how participants define Jewishness, (2) their endorsement of classical and aggressive antisemitic stereotypes, (3) perceptions of Israel and Israel-related antisemitism, and (4) the subjective perception of antisemitism in education and society. Results indicate that while overtly aggressive antisemitic attitudes are largely rejected, ancestry-based and ethno-religious definitions of Jewishness remain prevalent. Classical stereotypes, particularly regarding economic power, intellectual ability, and intra-group solidarity, persist selectively. Israel is recognized as a legitimate state, yet participants hold generally negative views of its democratic character. Antisemitism in Greek society and education is perceived as marginal, suggesting that subtle, normalized forms of prejudice may escape recognition. These findings highlight the need for targeted educational interventions that address both overt and subtle forms of antisemitism.
Abstract: This study explores how students negotiate complex and sensitive issues in schools, focussing on the October 7, 2023, attacks and their consequences. Drawing on discourse analysis informed by Foucault and discursive psychology, we analyse students’ talk in focus group discussions as situated social action, examining how they make sense of events, construct accounts and position themselves and others. The analysis provides empirical insights into how students navigate a contested topic and contributes to pedagogical approaches that support democratic dialogue and critical engagement. The results show that students negotiate meaning through a knowledge positioning discourse, which shapes students’ willingness to engage amid epistemic ambiguity; a moral positioning discourse, which introduces pressures to take a stance and challenges deliberative ideals; and an anti-antisemitism discourse, which exposes tensions between critique of Zionism and antisemitism. Findings reveal that reliance on media-informed narratives, moral framings and contested identity categories can both enable and constrain dialogue, sometimes reinforcing polarisation and feelings of alienation. The study argues for pedagogical strategies that foster epistemic security, promote perspective-taking and critically engage with the politics of language to dismantle stereotypes and prevent dichotomous narratives.
Abstract: A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Spanish Right on Jews and Israel (1978–2014) offers a groundbreaking analysis of how Spain’s main right-wing parties – from the post-Franco era to the mid-2010s – have transformed their political discourse on Jews and Israel.
Drawing on critical discourse analysis and extensive primary sources, it traces the evolution from suspicion and ambivalence to overt philosemitism and symbolic alliance. By unpacking historical narratives, ideologies, and political discourses, the book illuminates how the Spanish right strategically recast Israel’s image to serve changing political identities and foreign policy goals. Readers will benefit from a nuanced understanding of how narrative, politics, and ideology interact to shape modern alliances. The book’s critical perspective reveals not only the Spanish case, but also broader mechanisms by which political actors across Europe redefine their national and international relationships through discourse.
Aimed at scholars and students of political science, history, discourse studies, and Jewish studies, as well as policymakers and readers interested in European politics, this volume offers unique insights into the intersection of memory, identity, and foreign policy.
Topics: Antisemitism: Right-Wing, Antisemitism: Muslim, Attitudes to Jews, Israel: Attitudes to Israel, Islamophobia, Antisemitism: Jewish Perceptions and Experiences, Holocaust: Legacies, Remembering and Attitudes Towards, Authoritarianism, Main Topic: Holocaust Legacies and Memorial, Populism, Politics: Political Parties, Politics
Abstract: In the early 2020s, two seemingly unrelated political developments came to a head in the Netherlands. First, in January 2020, then-Prime Minister Mark Rutte of the center-right VVD party issued an official apology on behalf of the Dutch government for its complicity in the deaths of more than 100,000 Dutch Jews in the Holocaust. Second, in the November 2023 national elections, Geert Wilders’s anti-Muslim, pro-Israel PVV party won the highest percentage of votes, leading to the formation of a far-right cabinet under Prime Minister Dick Schoof in July 2024. In this article, we argue that this double consolidation of the historical legacy of the Holocaust and of racist, right-wing politics has put Dutch Jews in a dangerous bind. On the one hand, the memory of the Holocaust and the contemporary safety of Dutch Jews have been elevated as a paramount concern in Dutch institutional, legal, and political life. On the other hand, Dutch Jews have been positioned as the perennial would-be victims of violent antisemitism—virtually always, it is falsely imagined, at the hands of Dutch Muslims. The historical persecution of the Jews in the Holocaust is now used to underwrite a “proprietary” form of Jewish victimhood in the present: non-Jewish white Dutch people position themselves as the saviors of Jews, and thereby claim ownership over their past, their collective fate, and the political means to secure their safety.
Abstract: We provide a comparative analysis of how European radical left parties (RLPs) politicise the Israel – Palestine and Russia – Ukraine conflicts. Examining the positions of 25 RLPs, we test four hypotheses examining variation in Israel-hostility, Russia-related stances, cross-conflict coherence, and the dynamics of war fatigue. Patterns of politicisation are complex and there is no unified party family response. We show that while no RLP is Israel-friendly, levels of Israel-hostility vary substantially and tend to intensify as the Gaza war persists. By contrast, positions on Russia – Ukraine remain deeply divided, with no linear shift towards Russia-friendliness. Ideological subtype shapes, but does not determine, party responses, while broader contextual factors, most notably the ‘Trump effect’, repoliticise questions of European security. However, further politicisation is limited by the weakness of cross-conflict coherence. Several parties express consistent anti-imperialist logic in their response, but most disaggregate their critiques. RLP foreign policy emerges as ideologically-driven but contextually responsive.
Abstract: Our report on Greek textbooks shows an accurate and respectful approach to Judaism, Jewish tradition and the Holocaust. The study finds that the curriculum reflects Greece’s commitment to international standards for peace and tolerance education.
Judaism is presented with balance and care within Religious Education textbooks, including lessons on the Torah, Jewish festivals, and beliefs. The Holocaust is taught with exceptional depth, most notably in a Grade 12 History textbook that devotes a full chapter to the genocide, includes survivor testimonies, and highlights the courage of Greek citizens and clergy who protected Jewish communities during the war.
The report notes positive curriculum updates, including the removal of antisemitic and unbalanced material from a Junior High School textbook, reflecting a commitment toward fairness and accuracy. However, the study also identifies areas for further development. Antisemitism itself is not directly addressed, and prewar Greek Jewish life, Zionism, and the establishment of Israel receive little attention. Expanding on these themes would further strengthen the Greek curriculu
Abstract: This article examines the impact of the 2023–2025 Israeli–Palestinian conflict—particularly the aftermath of the October 7 Hamas attack, subsequent war in Gaza, and the international public opinion reactions to those events—on Jewish community in Krakow, Poland. While pro-Palestinian protests in Poland were limited compared to those in Western countries, they marked an unprecedented local development, sparking debate within Jewish circles. Using Krakow as a case study, the article explores whether and how these events shifted discourse around Zionism, Israel, and Jewish identity. It employs discourse analysis, supplemented by comparative methodology, the study relies on the data from the semi-structured interviews, and analyses of the official statements and media report as well as the social media discourses. The article addresses two questions: (1) how and why did the Jewish community in Krakow respond to the escalation of the Middle East conflict and the subsequent events, particularly pro-Palestinian activism? (2) do the observed dynamics reflect global trends or local particularities?
Abstract: Der wissenschaftliche Kommentar diskutiert die Verbreitung antisemitischer Einstellungen in der Mitte der deutschen wie auch österreichischen Gesellschaft und leitet aufgrund differenter Studienergebnisse Anforderungen an schulische Antisemitismus-Prävention ab. Die erste zentrale Fragestellung untersucht, ob antisemitische Einstellungen als Randphänomen zu betrachten oder in der Meinung der gesellschaftlichen Mitte zu verorten sind. Anhand von Statistiken und Studien zu antisemitischen Straftaten und Einstellungen wird aufgezeigt, dass der Antisemitismus in Deutschland und Österreich kein Randphänomen darstellt, sondern in Teilen der gesellschaftlichen Mitte verankert ist. Darauf aufbauend ist Untersuchungsgegenstand der zweiten zentralen Fragestellung, ab welcher Klassenstufe schulische Präventionsmaßnahmen gegen Antisemitismus berechtigt sind. Das Potenzial der schulischen Präventionsarbeit als Interventionsmöglichkeit wird dabei analysiert, die Bedeutung der Medienkompetenzförderung im Präventionsansatz erläutert und es werden frühzeitige Präventionsansätze, beginnend ab der ersten Klasse, empfohlen, um antisemitischen Überzeugungen frühestmöglich entgegenzuwirken. Im Fazit werden konkrete Forderungen sowie Handlungsempfehlungen an Schulen, die Gesellschaft und die Politik formuliert, um Antisemitismus durch Präventionsmaßnahmen nachhaltig zu bekämpfen.
Abstract: In den Antworten zu den Faith Development Interviews (FDI), die seit 2003 von der Forschungsstelle zur Biographischen Religionsforschung der Universität Bielefeld durchgeführt werden, finden sich bei den beiden Fragen, die auffordern, das Böse in der Welt zu erklären und nach der Lösung für Konflikte zu suchen, die auf religiöser oder weltanschaulicher Uneinigkeit beruhen, häufig Rekurse auf den Nahostkonflikt. Beiden Fragen ist gemeinsam, dass sie darauf abzielen, anomische Phänomene, in denen die Ordnung des eigenen Lebens nicht mehr sinnvoll erfahren werden kann, zu erklären. Die Forschungsnotiz analysiert, welche Funktion der Bezug auf den Nahostkonflikt für die Welterklärung der Befragten hat und was mit diesen Bezügen plausibel gemacht werden kann: Erstens ermöglicht der Nahostkonflikt als Beispiel für einen unlösbaren Konflikt eine Vielzahl von Projektionen und schützt damit die Widerlegung des eigenen weltanschaulichen Problemlösungsideals. Zweitens unterstreicht die Identifikation der Konfliktpartei Israel mit dem Bösen die Funktion des israelbezogenen Antisemitismus als Welterklärung.
Abstract: Swedish textbooks take a respectful and structured approach to complex historical subjects, including Jewish identity and the Holocaust, according to IMPACT-se’s Swedish textbook review. The study finds that Swedish textbooks generally align with curriculum guidelines and present Jews in a historically, demographically, and religiously neutral way. The Holocaust is comprehensively covered, with clear recognition of Jewish victimhood and historical events. Judaism is treated on equal footing with other world religions, and Jewish history and culture are described in detail. Stereotypical or prejudicial depictions are avoided.
However, the report also includes recommendations to further improve the curriculum. These include a critical refutation of antisemitic stereotypes and a full exploration of the reasons behind historical and modern antisemitism. Similarly, while the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is included with the intent of balance, it is frequently oversimplified, and consequently greater explanation of ideological perspectives and clarity around key terms is recommended.
Abstract: IMPACT‑se’s France Textbook Review—part of our eight‑country Europe research program—examines how Jews, Judaism, Israel and antisemitism are portrayed across the national history curriculum (Grades 4–9) and leading high school textbooks (Grades 10–12), measuring alignment with UNESCO standards for peace and tolerance.
While the report finds solid content on Jewish-related themes including antisemitism, the Holocaust and Israel, it also highlights gaps that obscure the fuller story of Jewish life. In particular, there is room for expansion on Jewish contributions to French society, Napoleon’s Jewish emancipation and Vichy collaboration during the Holocaust. Due to France’s strict separation of state and religion, Jewish content is included only in historical and civic contexts.
France hosts Europe’s largest Jewish community (about 446,000 people), but antisemitic incidents have surged—from 436 in 2022 to 1,676 in 2023—and high‑profile attacks such as the 2012 Toulouse school shooting and the 2015 Hypercacher supermarket massacre underscore the importance of accurate education.
Abstract: In this report:
As the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly approaches, and with key statesmen and leaders, including British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer, announcing that their countries may recognise a Palestinian state at the summit, this report finds levels of agreement with the contention that “a two-state solution is the only way Israel will achieve peace with its neighbours in the Middle East” have fallen to below 50% among British Jews for the first time since records began.
The report is based on over 4,800 responses from members of the JPR Research Panel to the 2025 Jews in Uncertain Times Survey, conducted in June/July 2025.
Some of the key findings in this report:
49% of respondents agree with the two-state solution contention, compared with 54% a year ago, and 78% in 2010.
Despite the reported drop, support for the two-state solution remains the majority opinion among British Jews, as 41% disagree with it and 10% are not sure.
Younger Jews are found to be less likely to believe in the two-state solution than their elders, with over 40% of 16-29-year-olds showing a degree of support for a shared bi-national state.
Attitudes to support for the two-state solution correlate with Jews’ Jewish denominational positions, political allegiances and attitudes to Zionism.
Anti-Zionist Jews, who constitute a small minority of British Jews as a whole, are particularly likely to favour bi-nationalism over the two-state solution. The much larger, mainstream and orthodox communities overwhelmingly reject this position, but show considerable scepticism for the two-state solution, most likely on security grounds.
British Jews overwhelmingly reject the idea that ‘Israel should take over full control of Gaza.’
Abstract: Durant quarante ans, l’extrême droite a été l’ennemie officielle des Juifs de France. Or, certains leaders extrémistes ont pu voir dans l’irruption de l’islamisme radical l’opportunité de séduire un électorat jusque-là hostile: l’islamisme n’était-il pas un ennemi commun?
Marine Le Pen a ainsi voulu surfer sur l'inquiétude des Juifs de France face à la montée d’un antisémitisme dont elle prétendait, de surcroît, pouvoir les protéger. D’où ses tentatives, nombreuses et variées, pour les rallier à sa cause.
Le FN, devenu Rassemblement National, serait-il devenu un partenaire respectable? Ou, tout au moins un opposant fréquentable ?
Les auteurs de cette enquête ont sillonné la France à l’écoute des communautés juives présentes dans les villes d'extrême droite, de Fréjus à Hayange, de Béziers aux quartiers-nord de Marseille. Ils ont remonté le fil de l’histoire du Front National et de ses tentatives de séduction, ainsi que celle des réactions des juifs face à cette main tendue. Pour mieux comprendre, ils ont recueilli des confidences d’élus frontistes, de témoins et d'intellectuels.
Et ils racontent les coulisses de cette tentative de hold-up idéologique.
Abstract: Projekt Overview
This study explores the experiences, perceptions, and coping strategies of Jewish individuals in Germany in the aftermath of the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack on Israel. Our research aimed to provide a comprehensive understanding of how Jews in Germany, with or without Israeli migration background, navigated the complex emotional landscape of collective trauma and rising antisemitism.
Key Objectives
Examine the immediate and ongoing impacts of the October 7 events on Jewish individuals in Germany
Investigate changes in experiences of antisemitism and perceptions of societal responses
Identify coping strategies and resilience mechanisms employed by Jewish individuals
Explore the influence of these events on Jewish identity and community engagement
Assess concerns and hopes for the future of Jewish life in Germany
Methodology
We conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 18 Jewish individuals living in Germany, including both Israeli and non-Israeli backgrounds. Participants ranged in age from 23 to 68 years old and represented diverse socioeconomic backgrounds and levels of religious observance.
Key Findings
Profound emotional disruption and trauma following the October 7 attacks
Significant changes in social relationships, often leading to social withdrawal
Increased community engagement and activism among Jewish individuals
Heightened sense of insecurity and vigilance in expressing Jewish identity
Complex coping strategies, including humor, community involvement, and selective avoidance
Abstract: Auch 70 Jahre nach dem Holocaust hat sich in Deutschland noch immer kein flächendeckender Konsens über die Unteilbarkeit der Menschenrechte durchgesetzt. Antisemitismus, Islamophobie und Fremdenfeindlichkeit sind besorgniserregend weit verbreitet. Ein Viertel der Deutschen sind antisemitische Israelkritiker, bei denen juden- und islamfeindliche Einstellungen miteinander Hand in Hand gehen, und deren (scheinbare) Parteinahme für die Palästinenser ihnen letztlich nur als Mittel dient, „das wahre Gesicht der Juden“ zu entlarven. Gut ein Zehntel vermeidet es, Kritik an der israelischen Politik zu üben, „weil man ja nicht sagen darf, was man über die Juden wirklich denkt“, und selbst jenes Viertel der Deutschen, das der Politik Israels wohlwollend gegenübersteht, tut dies oft nur, um selbst vor der Welt gut dazustehen.
Jedoch kritisieren immerhin vier von zehn Deutschen die israelische Politik deshalb, weil sie für die Menschenrechte eintreten, Antisemitismus und Islamophobie gleichermaßen ablehnen und eine Politik verurteilen, die nicht nur den Palästinensern Unrecht antut, sondern auch Israel von innen heraus zu zerstören droht. Auch sie des Antisemitismus zu bezichtigen, kann weder im Interesse Israels noch im Interesse der in Deutschland lebenden Juden sein.
Abstract: Die Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und Israel sind einzigartig. Geprägt von der Erinnerung an die Shoah und getragen von dem Anspruch, daraus praktische Konsequenzen für heute zu ziehen, gelten sie als „besonders“. Doch was bedeutet diese Besonderheit im Jahr 2025? Haben der Terrorangriff der Hamas auf Israel am 7. Oktober 2023 und der nachfolgende Krieg Israels gegen die Hamas im Gazastreifen Spuren im bilateralen Verhältnis hinterlassen? Wie blicken Deutsche und Israelis heute aufeinander, welche Erwartungen und Bilder prägen das gegenseitige Verhältnis, und welche Verantwortung resultiert daraus in einer Zeit wachsender geopolitischer Spannungen und gesellschaftlicher Polarisierung? Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Fragen gibt die vorliegende Kompaktauswertung einen ersten Einblick in die Ergebnisse unserer aktuellen Studie zur gegenseitigen Wahrnehmung von Israelis und Deutschen. Auf Basis einer repräsentativen Doppelbefragung in beiden Ländern gibt sie Aufschluss über das politische Selbstverständnis in beiden Gesellschaften, die Rolle der Geschichte für die Gegenwart, die Erwartungen an die deutsche Nahostpolitik sowie die Wahrnehmung von Antisemitismus und internationaler Verantwortung. Die Ergebnisse zeichnen ein ambivalentes Bild, geprägt von Nähe und Distanz, Zustimmung und Kritik, Hoffnung und Skepsis. In dieser Auswertung legen wir einen besonderen Fokus auf die Erhebung in Deutschland und ziehen die israelischen Befunde vergleichend heran. Eine umfangreiche Darstellung aller Ergebnisse ist in Vorbereitung. Mit dieser Studie setzt die Bertelsmann Stiftung ihre langjährige Reihe empirischer Analysen zur Entwicklung der deutsch-israelischen Beziehungen fort. Die Studie erscheint in einem Jahr, in dem sich die Aufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen zwischen beiden Staaten zum sechzigsten Mal jährt. Ein Anlass, nicht nur auf das Erreichte zurückzublicken, sondern auch für eine kritische Selbstbefragung: Wie können wir, Deutsche und Israelis, unsere Beziehung in Zukunft verantwortungsvoll gestalten?
Abstract: In the aftermath of the October 7, 2023 attacks, reports of anti-Israel expressions at German universities have raised questions about the prevalence and nature of such sentiments in academic environments. Traditional survey-based research on antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment is often limited by response biases and social desirability bias. This study introduces a novel field-experimental approach to measuring anti-Israel sentiment in a real-world university setting. Using event history analysis, it examines the removal probability of stickers of the Israeli flag compared to German, US, Palestinian, and rainbow flags at a German university. Over a 24-week period, 600 stickers were placed on 50 public notice boards and were monitored for 14-day cycles. The results provide strong evidence of anti-Israel sentiment. The Israeli flag had the highest removal rate, with only 47.5% of the flags remaining at the end of the observation period—significantly lower than the survival rates of the other flags (which range from 68% to 80%). Cox regression analysis confirms that Israeli flags faced the highest removal hazard, being 3.3 to 3.7-times more likely to be removed than the rainbow flag and nearly twice as likely as the German flag. Politically motivated removals, though less frequent, disproportionately targeted Israeli flags as well. Removal rates were highest in hallways of the humanities, shared humanities/social sciences as well as in central facilities hallways. Hallways in the natural sciences, the human- and social sciences and economics had lower removal rates. Areas with higher student traffic exhibited fewer removals. Overall, the findings indicate a pronounced anti-Israel bias on campus, distinct from attitudes toward other nationalities or symbols.
Abstract: This study examines the extent of antisemitic bias in German higher education through a survey experiment conducted among students (N=1,416) at an average-sized German university in the fall of 2024/2025. Using a between-subjects design, participants were randomly assigned to evaluate English academic writing courses taught by fictitious instructors whose profiles varied by gender and ethnic/religious background—categorized as German, Israeli, and Jewish. Instructors were rated on sympathy and competence using a 7-point scale. While no significant differences emerged for competence ratings, results reveal notable bias in sympathy ratings: instructors identified as Jewish, particularly male Jewish instructors, received significantly lower ratings compared to their German counterparts. Instructors from Israel without a visible Jewish symbol were not rated significantly differently. There was also a gender bias, as female instructors with a German profile were rated less favorably than male instructors. Interestingly, the anti-Jewish bias was predominantly driven by female student raters, whereas male students primarily exhibited gender bias without significant antisemitic tendencies. These findings suggest that antisemitic motives, rather than anti-Israel sentiment, underlie the negative evaluations observed in this academic setting, and highlight the complex interplay between ethnic/religious prejudice and gender bias.
Abstract: Reports have indicated an increase in anti-Jewish hostility and antisemitic incidents following the Hamas terrorist attack in Israel on October 7, 2023, and the subsequent war in Gaza. In two studies (NStudy1 = 354 and NStudy2 = 490), we experimentally investigated the impact of priming with material referring to the war in Gaza on hostility toward Jews, and on antisemitism as well as other various ethnic groups (to determine whether this exposure specifically affected attitudes toward Jews or had a broader impact on ethnic attitudes in general). We also examined the indirect relationship between political orientation and anti-Jewish hostility and antisemitism, through sociopolitical factors such as global identification, out-group identity fusion, social dominance orientation, and misanthropy. Our results showed an experimental effect of increased negative attitudes toward Jews, as well as toward Britons and Scandinavians, but did not reveal an increase in antisemitism. This effect was not replicated in Study 2, possibly due to reduced media attention. The indirect effects suggested that political orientation (left vs. right-wing) was positively associated with anti-Jewish hostility and antisemitism through social dominance orientation. In contrast, conservative political orientation was negatively associated with antisemitism through out-group identity fusion with the Palestinian people. Our findings imply two distinct political pathways to antisemitism: one linked with classical political right-wing orientation and the other to a complex identity-based conflation of attitudes toward Israel with prejudice toward the Jewish ethnic group.
Abstract: Teaching and education mirror what societies want to preserve, initiate, and pass along. Thus, the impact of teachers and school textbooks cannot be overestimated. It is absolutely necessary, therefore, to ensure high-quality textbooks, which convey balanced views as well as intellectual and unbiased approaches to the topics. The present study by historian and Holocaust education expert Dr. Melanie Carina Schmoll, PhD, offers a fresh approach to analyzing the subjects of Jews, Judaism, current Israel and the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts in curricula and relevant textbooks. The study indicates the status of information, problematic content, or words in curricula and history textbooks used in the German province of North Rhine-Westphalia. Besides analyzing and just denouncing mistakes, the study also provides options for an exchange of difficult and/ or incorrect content in the textbooks. The study assists authors and editors to write and develop unbiased textbooks in the future.
Topics: Israel: Attitudes to Israel, Attitudes to Jews, History and Historiography: Holocaust, Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Reactions and Consequences Outside Region, Israeli-Arab Conflict: Reactions and Consequences Outside Region, Israel: Criticism, Main Topic: Culture and Heritage, Memory, Arts and Culture: Books and Literature, Arts and Culture: Film, Arts and Culture: Television
Abstract: Examines an important relational shift in British and German cultural depictions of Palestine and Israel since 1987
Develops relationality as a critical tool to challenge mainstream ideas about Israeli and Palestinian narratives as separate and not connected to European histories of the Holocaust and colonialism
Argues that Israel and Palestine are used as geopolitical and imaginary spaces to discuss social and political concerns in the United Kingdom and in Germany
Examines works by authors and directors from outside of Israel and Palestine, including those with no direct link to the conflict, thus extending our understanding of Palestine and Israel as signifiers in the contemporary period
Offers a comparative analysis of British and German literature, TV drama, and film which focuses on country-specific case studies to identify common trends in imagining and reimaging Israel and Palestine since the first Palestinian Intifada
Discusses works published since 1987 which depict encounters between (Israeli) Jews and Palestinians since 1947 which depict encounters between (Israeli) Jews and Palestinians and their narratives since 1947
Isabelle Hesse identifies an important relational turn in British and German literature, TV drama, and film published and produced since the First Palestinian Intifada (1987-1993). This turn manifests itself on two levels: one, in representing Israeli and Palestinian histories and narratives as connected rather than separate, and two, by emphasising the links between the current situation in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories and the roles that the United Kingdom and Germany have played historically, and continue to play, in the region. This relational turn constitutes a significant shift in representations of Israel and Palestine in British and German culture as these depictions move beyond an engagement with the Holocaust and Jewish suffering at the expense of Palestinian suffering and indicate a willingness to represent and acknowledge British and German involvement in Israeli and Palestinian politics.
Abstract: Syrian refugees have become a significant minority in Germany over the past decade, with approximately one million now residing in the country. Most of them plan to stay and are eager to integrate into German society. Alongside practical challenges such as uncertain legal status, securing housing, finding employment, facing racism, and learning the German language, they must also navigate an ideological environment where common views on the Middle East, Islam, Israel, Jews, and the Holocaust differ significantly from those in their home country. This necessitates a certain degree of adaptation. Based on qualitative interviews with more than 200 Arab and Kurdish Syrian refugees, we examine self-perceptions, views on developments in the Middle East, and attitudes toward Jews. Significant differences emerged between Arab and Kurdish respondents. Especially among Syrian Kurds, there’s a noticeable openness to challenge antisemitic attitudes, often motivated by a rejection of Arab nationalist ideology and anti-Zionist propaganda. Syrian Kurds often perceive Jews and Israel more favorably than Arab Syrians. Their history of discrimination and oppression in Syria contributes to their rejection of hatred of Jews and Israel.
Abstract: As a consequence of the Holocaust, Israel’s security is officially regarded as part of Germany’s
“reason of state”. Yet the criteria for a responsible relationship between Germany and Israel are by
no means self-evident or without logical or practical contradictions. One of the complications is
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In order to better understand this complication, I examine two
familiar national narratives, one from each side, about possible connections between the Nazi era,
the Holocaust, and this conflict. I also put the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in a broader historical
context. It turns out that the examined relationships are not as obvious as the familiar narratives
describe them. The origins of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are older than the Nazi era and the
Holocaust, and they also point to broader European responsibilities more generally, to Europe’s
nationalism, anti-Semitism, colonialism and imperialism – with irresponsibilities towards both
Jews and Arabs. In no way does such a comprehensive perspective affect Germany’s special historical responsibilities resulting from the Holocaust. But it puts the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in a
more complete and also more honest framework, with consequences for Germany’s moral and
political position
