Abstract: Based on interviews, the purpose of the article is to study how Roma and Jews experience everyday violations and hate crime and how the victims deal with this exposure. The victims’ narratives are analysed using, for example, theories and research on anti-Semitism, anti-Ziganism, everyday racism and power relations. During the post-war period Jews have largely been seen by the majority population as belonging to the white ”Swedishness”, while the Roma belong to one of many deeply despised minorities that often are exposed to everyday violations and hate crime. However, there is anti-Semitism in Sweden that in certain situations and circumstances is explicitly expressed in the form of abuse, threats or violence. The article describes and analyses how the victims of hate crime deal with this exposure and how the crimes affect them. Some Roma and Jews ”are forced” to live a kind of double life because they are afraid of being ”exposed” as a Roma or a Jew. For example, Jewish and Roma symbols are often spontaneously concealed. The damage that hate crime causes is spread beyond the individual to the victim’s entire group, a form of ”message crimes”. The consequences for the individual concerned can be very serious. Roma and Jewish groups as a whole can also be affected by the restrictions imposed on their lives.
Abstract: After an appellate court made circumcision of minors effectively illegal in the absence of a medical justification, the German Parliament passed a statute that restored, with some limitations, the right of parents to seek ritual circumcisions for their sons. Between these events, a fierce controversy broke out in Germany involving Jews, Muslims, and other Germans. Whereas circumcision without medical indication is rare among most Germans, it is a common religious practice in Jewish and Muslim communities in Germany. The debate tapped into ongoing discussions of German cultural norms, German secularization, and a long history of antiSemitism and a much shorter history of anti-Muslim sentiment in Germany. It also tapped into the religious and traditional practices –
sometimes converging, sometimes diverging – of Jews and Muslims. This Article discusses the range of opinions on religious circumcision among Germans and other Europeans. It disentangles the social factors at work in the debate and analyzes the court decision and the new statute. It also examines some recent decisions under the new statute and explores problems with the statute’s application. Given that roughly 700 million boys worldwide have undergone ritual circumcision, the German controversy has global implications.
This Article shows that at day’s end, the debate turns on issues of toleration and multiculturalism. It is scarcely possible to resolve this debate without asking, “What is a child?” If a child is a proto-member of his parents’ religious community and has only a weak right to bodily integrity, or if the risk-benefit ratio favors circumcision and the parents have a broad scope of consent, then circumcision without medical indication might be legally and morally permissible. Parents might then have discretion to place on his body a permanent physical symbol of his expected or hoped for religious affiliation as an adult. Yet if a child has a strong right to bodily integrity, and circumcision is not medically indicated, then the permanent physical modification of his body with a symbol of Jewish or Muslim identity might be problematic, and circumcising him for aesthetic or other nonreligious reasons might likewise
be problematic.
Abstract: Depuis le début des années 2000, l’enseignement de la Shoah est perçu en France comme une question socialement vive susceptible de déréguler les pratiques de classe. Cette thèse en sciences de l’éducation étudie l’expérience de l’enseignement de la Shoah des profes-seurs du secondaire en France. En s’appuyant sur 30 entretiens semi-directifs, la recherche montre, de l’intérieur, comment les professeurs interrogés perçoivent cet enseignement, ses difficultés et s’intéresse aux réponses déployées par les interrogés. Les résultats montrent les difficultés provenant du côté des élèves : saturation présumée, antisémitisme, concur-rence des mémoires, mais aussi concurrence entre les savoirs sociaux et le savoir scolaire. Du côté des enseignants, apparaît également la vivacité de la question, divisant davantage qu’elle ne fédère les membres de l’équipe éducative. De plus, l’impact émotionnel sur l’enseignant que la confrontation entre savoir scolaire et savoir social véhiculé par les élèves peut engendrer, accentue les difficultés rencontrées. Les professeurs qui montrent une assu-rance dans cet enseignement révèlent au travers des récits de vie de classe, qu’ils investis-sent pleinement le pôle didactique et le pôle pédagogique de la fonction de professeur. Aller à la rencontre de ce savoir social avec bienveillance et exigence, faire dire mais ne pas lais-ser dire amènent ces professeurs à répondre dans le cadre d’un savoir historique, précis et rigoureux qui refuse la dérive relativiste ou normative (Legardez, 2006). L’énoncé de repères éthiques et citoyens, une vigilance quant à la gestion de l’émotion dans la classe y compris de celle de l’enseignant, participent aussi au cadre construit par les professeurs. Ainsi ces derniers alternent entre le pôle didactique le pôle pédagogique, ce qui leur permet de rentrer dans « le fonctionnement improvisationnel de l’enseignant expert » (Tochon, 1993). L’enseignement de la Shoah dans certaines situations sensibles est assimilé à un combat. Une typologie inspirée des travaux de Jacques Pain (1992) sur la régulation de la violence délinquante par les arts martiaux émerge : combattant stratège, combattant intrépide, com-battant émotif, ou témoin distancié sont les différentes figures enseignantes qui se dégagent de cette recherche.
Abstract: Auch 70 Jahre nach dem Holocaust hat sich in Deutschland noch immer kein flächendeckender Konsens über die Unteilbarkeit der Menschenrechte durchgesetzt. Antisemitismus, Islamophobie und Fremdenfeindlichkeit sind besorgniserregend weit verbreitet. Ein Viertel der Deutschen sind antisemitische Israelkritiker, bei denen juden- und islamfeindliche Einstellungen miteinander Hand in Hand gehen, und deren (scheinbare) Parteinahme für die Palästinenser ihnen letztlich nur als Mittel dient, „das wahre Gesicht der Juden“ zu entlarven. Gut ein Zehntel vermeidet es, Kritik an der israelischen Politik zu üben, „weil man ja nicht sagen darf, was man über die Juden wirklich denkt“, und selbst jenes Viertel der Deutschen, das der Politik Israels wohlwollend gegenübersteht, tut dies oft nur, um selbst vor der Welt gut dazustehen.
Jedoch kritisieren immerhin vier von zehn Deutschen die israelische Politik deshalb, weil sie für die Menschenrechte eintreten, Antisemitismus und Islamophobie gleichermaßen ablehnen und eine Politik verurteilen, die nicht nur den Palästinensern Unrecht antut, sondern auch Israel von innen heraus zu zerstören droht. Auch sie des Antisemitismus zu bezichtigen, kann weder im Interesse Israels noch im Interesse der in Deutschland lebenden Juden sein.
Abstract: Current approach to tackling antisemitism not working, our report with the Birkbeck Institute for the Study of Antisemitism shows.
Antisemitism is deeply embedded into our common culture; it exists as a reservoir of racist stereotypes and narratives about Jewish people, which are normalised and widespread. Antisemitic incidents have spiked over the last year, particularly in response to the events of October 7th 2023 and the ongoing violence in Gaza. Yet, discussions around antisemitism have become highly politicised in ways that have been detrimental to Jewish communities’ safety and wellbeing.
Particularly damaging is the fact that these politicised discussions have inhibited the possibility of forging anti-racist solidarities with other communities that have been subject to the rise in far-right violence, and to the mainstreaming of racist rhetoric and policies.
Facing antisemitism highlights that:
Antisemitism is hardwired into UK society;
Current methods of defining, measuring and reacting to it are deeply contested and politicised;
The arguments that anti-Zionism always equates to antisemitism prevents meaningful and productive action to eradicate antisemitism in the UK;
Like other forms of racism, antisemitism in the UK consists of hateful attitudes and individual incidents but also institutional and structural racism;
The UK must move beyond framing and discussing antisemitism in ways that pit communities against one another, prohibit solidarity and encourage division;
Combating antisemitism must be undertaken as part of wider anti-racist initiatives, including building alliances with other racialised minorities.
The Runnymede Trust urgently calls for a different approach to combating antisemitism, including from the government and wider anti-racist organisations.
Abstract: As a consequence of the Holocaust, Israel’s security is officially regarded as part of Germany’s
“reason of state”. Yet the criteria for a responsible relationship between Germany and Israel are by
no means self-evident or without logical or practical contradictions. One of the complications is
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In order to better understand this complication, I examine two
familiar national narratives, one from each side, about possible connections between the Nazi era,
the Holocaust, and this conflict. I also put the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in a broader historical
context. It turns out that the examined relationships are not as obvious as the familiar narratives
describe them. The origins of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are older than the Nazi era and the
Holocaust, and they also point to broader European responsibilities more generally, to Europe’s
nationalism, anti-Semitism, colonialism and imperialism – with irresponsibilities towards both
Jews and Arabs. In no way does such a comprehensive perspective affect Germany’s special historical responsibilities resulting from the Holocaust. But it puts the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in a
more complete and also more honest framework, with consequences for Germany’s moral and
political position
Abstract: Antisemitism from Muslims has become a serious issue in Western Europe, although not often acknowledged as such. Looking for insights into the views and rationales of young Muslims toward Jews, Günther Jikeli and his colleagues interviewed 117 ordinary Muslim men in London (chiefly of South Asian background), Paris (chiefly North African), and Berlin (chiefly Turkish). The researchers sought information about stereotypes of Jews, arguments used to support hostility toward Jews, the role played by the Middle East conflict and Islamist ideology in perceptions of Jews, the possible sources of antisemitic views, and, by contrast, what would motivate Muslims to actively oppose antisemitism. They also learned how the men perceive discrimination and exclusion as well as their own national identification. This study is rich in qualitative data that will mark a significant step along the path toward a better understanding of contemporary antisemitism in Europe.
Abstract: Consists of thematically organized texts by Trigano, previously published in various French on-line newsletters, broadcast on the French Jewish Radio J, and at various conferences. They analyze the phenomenon of the new antisemitism, including accusations in the French press against the Jews and Israel, boycotts against Israel, a typology of anti-Zionists, alter-Juifs (Jews who identify as Jews but define Jews through the hostile view of others), and the deconstruction of Judaism. Exposes the specificities of French antisemitism since 2000, especially in the context of postmodernist thought, which encourages the creation of parallel and diverging interpretations of the past, including World War II. Argues that Holocaust revisionism and denial have enabled Faurisson, inter alia, to attain huge media coverage. Emphasizes the role of the Internet in the politicization of history, and shows how the usurpation of Jewish history and heritage by the Left on behalf of the Palestinians has roots in Christian supersessionist theology. Notes that rejection of the Jews and Israel are also based on the claim that monotheism is the source of phallocracy. Characterizes the European Union as a new imperialist power, which destroys nation states and national identities, and rejects Jewish autonomy. Concludes that present-day antisemitism is a massive phenomenon, which threatens the foundations of modernity and European civilization. The very survival of the Jewish people is at stake.
Abstract: Настоящият сборник съдържа устни разкази на еврейските общности за самите тях и живота им в Русе, Шумен и Варна. Разказите са подредени в осем глави, които съответстват на различните антропологически категории и представят чуто или преживяно от първо лице. Хронологията в книгата е съобразена единствено с битието в житейските цикли и поради това във всяка отделна глава може да се проследи картината за свят на различните поколения хора.
Разказите са резултат от теренно проучване, проведено през пролетта на 2015 година. То отразява не само състоянието на градските общности на евреите в Русе, Шумен и Варна, но осветлява паметта за тях, описва хора и събития, отнасящи се и за онази част от българските евреи, които днес живеят в държавата Израел. Тридесет наши сънародници – 17 жени и 13 мъже, чрез своите разкази и спомени изграждат впечатляващ териториален обхват на проучването, който включва 27 български населени места и в действителност покрива картата на страната.
Abstract: Today, the extermination of Jewish communities by the Nazi regime and its collaborators, namely the Holocaust, forms an integral part of the international political agenda. Although this dealing with the Holocaust appears normal for us today, this was not always the case, but is the result of extensive social and political processes. In the course of this development the awareness of the special relevance of the extermination of about 6 million Jews has increased. Since the 1990s a process has emerged, that can be characterized as the universalization of Holocaust remembrance. The commemoration of the extermination of the European Jews is no longer an exclusive part of the different national cultures of remembrance, but has become an integral part of international memorial policy. An important event in this context has been the “Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust” in the year 2000 where mainly European leaders as well as other high-ranking politicians, historians and teachers engaged with Holocaust education, Holocaust remembrance and Holocaust research. The idea was to establish an international organization that would expand Holocaust education worldwide. The aim of the present dissertation is to show how the Luxembourgian school system deals with this traumatic event that is the Holocaust and how it reacts as a system to expectations towards Holocaust and schooling, to find out how the school system works. The dissertation does not address questions as to show how the Holocaust should be taught in schools nor whether or not the Holocaust should be taught in schools at all. The dissertation analyses the particularities of teaching the Holocaust, as well as its role in the curriculum in a broader understanding of an analysis of parliamentary debates, syllabi, teaching material and the school practice. The latter includes the classroom settings and the so-called alternative teaching material like scholarly resources on the Holocaust like films, visits to museums, to concentration and extermination camps or the use of testimony from Holocaust survivors.
