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Date: 2019
Abstract: Le nombre d’ACTES antisémites (ACTIONS + MENACES) ayant donné lieu à un dépôt de plainte est en hausse de 74% en 2018 comparativement à 2017. Il est passé de 311 à 541 = Plus d’un Acte antisémite commis par jour.

Le nombre d’ACTIONS antisémites (Attentat ou tentative, homicide ou tentative, violence, incendie ou tentative, dégradation ou vandalisme) ayant donné lieu à un dépôt de plainte est en hausse de 89%. Il est passé de 97 à 183 comparativement à 2017.

Parmi les ACTIONS, les Violences physiques antisémites ont augmenté de 170% en 2018, 81 contre 30 en 2017.
= Plus d’une Violence physique antisémite commise par semaine.

En mars 2018, 11 mois après le massacre de Sarah Halimi (zal), une grand-mère juive est sauvagement assassinée chez elle. Mireille Knoll (zal) avait échappé enfant à la rafle du Vel d’Hiv. En 2018, les Français juifs, qui représentent moins de 1% de la population, ont subi 55% des Violences physiques racistes commises en France. Les adultes et les enfants juifs affrontent un quotidien oppressant, agressif et une violence continue.

Le nombre de MENACES antisémites (Propos, geste menaçant ou démonstration injurieuse, tract et courrier, inscription) ayant donné lieu à un dépôt de plainte est en hausse de 67% en 2018 comparativement à 2017. Il est passé de 214 à 358.

Précisons que plusieurs facteurs viennent encore majorer ces chiffres déjà dramatiques. La mesure des Actes antisémites est bien inférieure à la réalité car :

‣ La majeure partie des discours et propagandes antisémites a migré vers Internet ces dernières années. Or, la comptabilisation des Menaces n’inclut que quelques faits relevés sur Internet mais pas la pleine activité antisémite qui s’y propage.
‣ Le curseur de l’antisémitisme en France est allé tellement loin, jusqu’au terrorisme, assassinant même des enfants, des vieilles dames, que les témoins ou victimes de « l’antisémitisme du quotidien » manifestent une sorte de résignation et d’habituation. Ils ne déposent plus plainte pour des faits considérés comme « mineurs » comparativement aux violences physiques antisémites. Or leur gravité et conséquences désastreuses restent entières.
‣ De nombreuses victimes d’Actes antisémites disent ne pas porter plainte par peur de représailles.
‣ De nombreuses victimes d’Actes antisémites sont peu confiantes sur l’aboutissement d’une enquête et sur l’issue d’une procédure pénale.
• L'antisionisme et la haine d'Israël prolifèrent de façon décomplexée voire admise. Ils oeuvrent comme des paravents masquant, voire légitimant l’antisémitisme.
• L’opération Sentinelle, engagée en France dès janvier 2015, avait contribué activement et rapidement à une baisse conséquente en 2016 des actes antisémites, passant de 808 en 2015 à 335 en 2016, soit une baisse de 58%.
Depuis la levée de son dispositif statique, les Actions antisémites n’ont cessé de croître dans des proportions inquiétantes. Ayant démontré leur efficacité, le retour à des mesures de prévention et de protection
dédiées à la communauté juive semble donc urgent et nécessaire.
Date: 2019
Abstract:
Antisemitisme.be recense, depuis l’année 2001, les actes antisémites commis sur l’ensemble du territoire belge et, chaque année, publie un rapport sur l’antisémitisme en Belgique.Dans ce document, vous découvrirez la liste de tous les incidents recensés, notre méthodologie de travail, ainsi qu’une analyse de l’année écoulée.
Les incidents recensés et analysés dans ce rapport sont ceux qui nous ont été communiqués ou qui ont fait l’objet d’une plainte pour racisme. Les chiffres repris dans cette analyse reflètent bien sûr une tendance et non une photographie exacte dans l’antisémitisme en Belgique.

Tant que les membres de la Communauté juive se sentiront, à juste titre, en insécurité, tant que les institutions juives auront besoin d’être protégées, tant qu’ils ne pourront pas circuler comme tout citoyen belge en toute sécurité lorsqu’il arbore un signe apparent de judaïté (kippa, étoile de David…), l’antisémitisme devra être combattu et les autorités politiques devront y mettre tous les moyens.


Sinds 2001, identificeert Antisemitisme.be antisemitische handelingen in het hele Belgische grondgebied, en publiceert jaarlijks een verslag over antisemitisme in België.

In dit document vind u onze werk methodologie en een analyse van het afgelopen jaar.

Incidenten geïdentificeerd en geanalyseerd in dit verslag zijn ofwel gecommuniceerd of dat het onderwerp van een klacht over racisme zijn geweest. De cijfers in deze analyse, zijn zeker als gevolg van een trend, maar geven niet een nauwkeurig beeld van antisemitisme in België.

Antisemitisme kan niet worden gekwantificeerd in aantallen, maar ook door de ernst van de incidenten, zoals de tragische ervaring die de Joodse gemeenschap zaterdag 24 mei, jl. heeft mee moeten maken.

Zolang de leden van de Joodse gemeenschap zich terecht onveilig voelen, de Joodse instellingen beschermd moeten worden, ze niet in staat zijn om veilig te bewegen net als elke andere Belg wanneer ze enig duidelijk teken van joodse identiteit (Kippa, Ster van David, …) dragen, moet antisemitisme bestreden worden en de politieke autoriteiten moeten alle middelen in deze strijd zetten.
Author(s): Poulton, Emma
Date: 2019
Abstract: While the anti-racist movement in English football has been established for 25 years, antisemitism was not specifically addressed until much later – most publicly through anti-discrimination organisation Kick It Out’s The Y-Word (2011) film campaigning against the use of ‘Yid’ in football fan culture. Antisemitism has occupied a sporadic position on football’s wider anti-racism agenda. Antisemitism in football is also a neglected area of research. The article addresses this academic indifference by contributing a critical analysis of the intermittent responses to antisemitism in English men’s football – by governing bodies, campaigners, and the criminal justice system – using a multiple streams approach to understand policy formulation, legitimation and implementation, arguing these attempts have usually been reactive and sometimes misguided, inconsistent, or misaligned with existing legislation. The role of ‘policy entrepreneurs’ is considered in relation to individuals lobbying for and influencing the priority of tackling formations of antisemitism amidst broader attempts to combat racism and faith-based abuse in football. This empirically-grounded critical analysis is informed by primary data from interviews with elite stakeholders from English football (The Football Association; Kick It Out) and Jewish community (Board of Deputies of British Jews; Jewish Leadership Council; Community Security Trust; Maccabi GB). The article explains the changing political salience of combating antisemitism and concludes with a call for a more congruous and coherent approach to addressing antisemitism, faith-based abuse and other forms of discrimination in football, which might lend itself to other sports and contexts. It also critiques the utility of the multiple streams approach.
Author(s): Subotic, Jelena
Date: 2019
Abstract: Yellow Star, Red Star asks why Holocaust memory continues to be so deeply troubled—ignored, appropriated, and obfuscated—throughout Eastern Europe, even though it was in those lands that most of the extermination campaign occurred. As part of accession to the European Union, Jelena Subotić shows, East European states were required to adopt, participate in, and contribute to the established Western narrative of the Holocaust. This requirement created anxiety and resentment in post-communist states: Holocaust memory replaced communist terror as the dominant narrative in Eastern Europe, focusing instead on predominantly Jewish suffering in World War II. Influencing the European Union's own memory politics and legislation in the process, post-communist states have attempted to reconcile these two memories by pursuing new strategies of Holocaust remembrance. The memory, symbols, and imagery of the Holocaust have been appropriated to represent crimes of communism.

Yellow Star, Red Star presents in-depth accounts of Holocaust remembrance practices in Serbia, Croatia, and Lithuania, and extends the discussion to other East European states. The book demonstrates how countries of the region used Holocaust remembrance as a political strategy to resolve their contemporary "ontological insecurities"—insecurities about their identities, about their international status, and about their relationships with other international actors. As Subotić concludes, Holocaust memory in Eastern Europe has never been about the Holocaust or about the desire to remember the past, whether during communism or in its aftermath. Rather, it has been about managing national identities in a precarious and uncertain world.
Author(s): Alexander, Phil
Date: 2019
Abstract: Silence appears frequently in discourses of the Holocaust – as a metaphorical absence, a warning against forgetting, or simply the only appropriate response. But powerful though these meanings are, they often underplay the ambiguity of silence’s signifying power. This article addresses the liminality of silence through an analysis of its richly textured role in the memorial soundscapes of Berlin. Beyond an aural version of erasure, unspeakability, or the space for reflection upon it, I argue that these silent spaces must always be heard as part of their surrounding urban environment, refracting wider spatial practices and dis/order. When conventions are reversed – when the present is silent – the past can resound in surprising and provocative ways, collapsing spatial and temporal borders and escaping the ritualized boundaries of formal commemoration. This is explored through four different memorial situations: the disturbing resonances within the Holocaust Memorial; the transgressive processes of a collective silent walk; Gleis 17 railway memorial’s opening up of heterotopic ‘gaps’ in time; and sounded/silent history in the work of singer Tania Alon. Each of these examples, in different ways, frames a slippage between urban sound and memorial silence, creating a parallel symbolic space that the past and the present can inhabit simultaneously. In its unpredictable fluidity, silence becomes a mobile and subversive force, producing an imaginative space that is ambiguous, affective and deeply meaningful. A closer attention to these different practices of listening disrupts a top-down, strategic discourse of silence as conventionally emblematic of reflection and distance. The contemporary urban soundscape that slips through the silent cracks problematizes the narrative hegemony of memorial itself.
Date: 2019
Abstract: Aim. This paper analyses the inherent paradoxes of Jewish-Polish relations. It portrays the main beliefs that construct the contradicting narratives of the Holocaust, trying to weigh which of them is closer to the historic truth. It seeks for an answer to the question whether the Polish people were brothers-in-fate, victimized like the Jews by the Nazis, or if they were rather a hostile ethnic group.

Concept. First, the notion of Poland as a haven for Jews throughout history is conveyed. This historical review shows that the Polish people as a nation have always been most tolerant towards the Jews and that anti-Semitism has existed only on the margins of society. Next, the opposite account is brought, relying on literature that shows that one thousand years of Jewish residence in Poland were also a thousand years of constant friction, with continuous hatred towards the Jews. Consequently, different accounts of World War II are presented – one shows how the Polish people were the victims, and the others deal with Poles as by-standers and as perpetrators.

Results and conclusion. Inconsistency remains the strongest consistency of the relations between Jews and Poles. With the unresolved puzzle of whether the Polish people were victims, bystanders or perpetrators, this paper concludes with some comments on Israeli domestic political and educational attitudes towards Poland, that eventually influence collective concepts.

Cognitive value. The fact that the issue of the Israeli-Polish relationship has not been deeply inquired, seems to attest to the reluctance of both sides to deal with what seems to form an open wound. At the same time, the revival of Jewish culture in Poland shows that, today more than ever, the Polish people are reaching out to Israelis, and are willing to deal with history at an unprecedented level. As Israelis who wish to promote universal values, a significant encounter with the Polish people may constitute a door to acceptance and understanding of others. Such acceptance can only stem from mutual discourse and physical proximity between the two peoples.
Date: 2019
Abstract: La disparition de la quasi-totalité des Juifs de Pologne pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale est due à leur assassinat systématique par les Allemands. Mais que sait-on des comportements de la population polonaise ? La paix revenue, que sont devenus les derniers survivants ? Que nous dit aujourd’hui l’irruption de ce passé dans la société polonaise ? Comment vivre avec la mémoire d’Auschwitz, de Treblinka, de Belzec, autant de mémoriaux situés en Pologne ?
Depuis une quinzaine d’années, des historiens de ce pays ont montré combien il était difficile aux Juifs qui tentaient d’échapper aux tueurs de trouver appui auprès des populations locales, surtout en milieu rural, tant en raison de la politique de terreur menée par l’occupant que de l’hostilité de la société polonaise à l’égard des Juifs. Leurs travaux font désormais autorité dans le monde entier. Pourtant, depuis quelques années, les autorités de Varsovie mettent en œuvre une « politique historique » qui vise à minorer, voire à nier, la participation de franges importantes de la population polonaise à la traque des Juifs.

Sur place, malgré les embûches et les intimidations, les historiens travaillent, publient, organisent des colloques, forment des étudiants. Les auteurs réunis dans cet ouvrage témoignent de la vitalité de cette historiographie. Faire connaître aujourd’hui la fécondité scientifique et la portée critique de la nouvelle école historique polonaise est une exigence intellectuelle, morale et politique.
Date: 2019
Abstract: This edited collection seeks to present a valuable guide to the Jewish contribution to the European integration process, and to enable readers to obtain a better understanding of the unknown Jewish involvement in the European integration project. Adopting both a national and a pan-European approaches, this volume brings together the work of leading international researchers and senior practitioners to cover a wide range of topics with an interdisciplinary approach under three different parts: present challenges, Jews and pan-European identity, and unsung heroes.

1.Jews as the Principal Cosmopolitan, Integrating Element in European Integration

Sharon Pardo and Hila Zahavi

2.Jews in Europe, 2019: Demographic Trends, Contexts and Outlooks

Sergio DellaPergola

3.European Populism and Minorities

Dani Filc

4.Anti-Semitism from a European Union Institutional Perspective

Andras Baneth

5.The Cultural Dimension of Jewish European Identity

Dov Maimon

6.A Union of Minorities

Romano Prodi

7.Contributions of ‘Sefarad’ to Europe

Alvaro Albacete

8.The Trajectory of Jewish Assimilation in Hungary

Janet Kerekes

9.Rising from the Ashes: The Holocaust and the European Integration Project

Michael Mertes

10.The Jewish World’s Ambiguous Attitude toward European Integration

Diana Pinto

11.Walther Rathenau, Foreign Minister of Germany during the Weimar Republic, and the Promotion of European Integration

Hubertus von Morr

12.Fritz Bauer- a German-Jewish Immigrant at Home and the Rule of Law

Franco Burgio

13.Tribute to Simone Veil

Emmanuel Macron
Date: 2019
Abstract: Since 1995, Surveys on antisemitism using national representative samples have been regularly carried out in Hungary. In this article, we used data from the 2011 and 2017 surveys to explore the relationship between three types of antisemitism, namely religious, secular, and emotional. Moreover, we scrutinized how different religiosity indicators can be used as explanatory variables for the different types of antisemitism. We found a slight increase in religious and secular antisemitism between 2011 and 2017, while emotional antisemitism remained almost the same. Religious anti-Judaism significantly correlated with both secular and emotional antisemitism, however, its relationship was much stronger with the former. When analyzing the relationship between different types of antisemitism and religiosity indicators, we found that while in 2011, all the indicators were connected to religious, and most of them to secular and emotional antisemitism, in 2017, only the variables measuring subjective self-classification remained significant. The results show that the relationship between religion and antisemitism underwent some substantial changes between 2011 and 2017. While in 2011, personal religiosity was a significant predictor of the strength of antisemitism, in 2017, religion serving as a cultural identity marker took over this function. The hypothetical explanatory factor for the change is the rebirth of the “Christian-national” idea appearing as the foundational element of the new Hungarian constitution, according to which Christian culture is the ultimate unifying force of the nation, giving the inner essence and meaning of the state. In this discourse, being Christian is equated with being Hungarian. Self-declared and self-defined Christian religiosity plays the role of a symbolic marker for accepting the national-conservative identity discourse and belonging to the “Christian-national” cultural-political camp where antisemitic prejudices occur more frequently than in other segments of the society
Date: 2019
Abstract: [Edited from press release]

The AJC Paris study was conducted by IFOP, a leading polling firm, in partnership with Fondapol, a major French think tank. They polled 505 French Jews and 1027 French people between October 14 and November 19, 2019.

As antisemitism in France continues to spiral, Jews and the general population in France agree on the magnitude of the problem, according to the American Jewish Committee (AJC) Paris survey of perceptions of and experiences with antisemitism in France.

But alignment on the antisemitism threat to French society, and the government’s weak responsiveness, does not mitigate the fears of Jews about their safety and future in France.

Nearly three-quarters, 73%, of the French public, and 72% of Jews, consider antisemitism a problem that affects all of French society. 47% of the general public and 67% of the Jewish respondents say the level of antisemitism in France is high, while 27% and 22%, respectively, say it is low.

While 53% of the general public say antisemitism has been increasing, and 18% decreasing, in recent years, 77% of Jews say it has increased and 12% decreased.

The AJC Paris survey found that 70 percent of French Jews say they have been victims of at least one antisemitic incident in their lifetime, 64% have suffered anti-Semitic verbal abuse at least once, and 23% have been targets of physical violence on at least one occasion, with 10 percent saying they were attacked several times.

The continued spiraling of antisemitism in France has led significant percentages of the Jewish population to take protective actions. More than one-third, 37%, refrain from using visible Jewish symbols, 25% avoid revealing their Jewish identity in the workplace, and 52% have considered leaving France.

Overall, 44% of the Jewish sample say the situation for French Jews is worse than a year ago, only 11% say it is better and 42% no better or worse.

The youngest Jews, ages 18-24, are on the “front line” more than older cohorts in confronting antisemitism. 84% of them have suffered at last one antisemitic act, compared with 70% of all respondents; 79 percent had suffered verbal abuse, compared with 64% of all respondents, and 39% faced an act of physical aggression, compared with 23% of the full Jewish sample.

Visibly religious French Jews feel the most vulnerable, with 74% of them saying they had been a victim of at least one act of verbal abuse, compared with 64% of the full Jewish sample.

The main locations where antisemitic incidents occur the most are in the street and school. 55% said they had been insulted or threatened on the street, and 59% said they had suffered physical abuse in the school.

54% were victims of verbal abuse, and 26% had been victims of antisemitic violence in schools.

But equally disturbing is the finding that 46% said they had suffered anti-Semitic verbal abuse in the workplace.

Regarding the responsiveness of elected officials, Jews and the general public agree. Only 47% of Jews and 48% of the general public have confidence in the President of France tackling antisemitism, 46% of Jews and 41% of the public in the French government, and 58% of Jews and 56% of the public in local elected officials

Date: 2019
Date: 2019
Author(s): Somers, Ali
Date: 2019