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Author(s): Rosenthal, Denise
Date: 2001
Abstract: A mentally healthy human being can go insane if suddenly diagnosed with leprosy. Eugen Ionescu finds out that even the “Ionescu” name, an indisputable Romanian father, and the fact of being born Christian can do nothing, nothing, nothing to cover the curse of having Jewish blood in his veins. With resignation and sometimes with I don't know what sad and discouraged pride, we got used to this dear leprosy a long time ago.

With these words, the Romanian–Jewish writer Mihail Sebastian expresses within his private diary some of the darkest moments of a World War II “transfigured” Romania, populated as they are by the gothic characters of legionaries, Nazis, and antisemitism. His death soon followed in 1945, when Romania was at the threshold of fascism and communism. However, with the discovery and the subsequent publishing of Sebastian's diary in 1996, and following 50 years of communist mystification of the Jewish Holocaust, the entire chaotic war atmosphere with the fascist affections of the Romanian intellectual elite was once again brought to light with all the flavor and scent of the dark past. In this entry from Sebastian's diary he speaks of his friend, Eugen Ionescu who, born of a French-related mother and a Romanian father, was living in Bucharest at that time. He would later become known to the world as Eugène Ionesco, the famous French playwright and author of the well-known plays The Bald Soprano and The Rhinoceros. The above quote from Sebastian's journal, predating the international fame of Ionesco, but already marking the end of Sebastian's career under fascism, remains a traumatizing testimony of the Jewish Kafkian torment as “guilt,” a deeply claustrophobic identity that many Eastern European Jewish intellectuals have learned to internalize. Beyond this symbolism, the publishing of Sebastian's diary in Romania unintentionally challenged an existent post-communist tendency of legitimizing inter-war fascist personalities within the framework of a general lack of knowledge about the Jewish Holocaust in both the communist and post-communist periods.
Author(s): Reiter, Margit
Date: 2001
Date: 2001
Date: 2001
Author(s): Kucia, Marek
Date: 2001
Abstract: Sixty years after KL Auschwitz had been established by the Nazis on the outskirts of Oświęcim, a town in occupied Poland, to serve primarily as a ‘concentration camp’ for the Polish political prisoners and later as the major site of the ‘final solution of the Jewish question’, and 55 years after its nightmare ended through the liberation by the Soviet Army, a national representative survey of public opinion was conducted to measure the significance, knowledge and symbolism of KL Auschwitz among Poles today.1 This was the first comprehensive nation-wide survey of public opinion about Auschwitz in Poland. It covered some of the issues addressed in earlier surveys carried out since 1995.2 The survey was a part of a larger research project that deals with the changing perception and attitudes of Poles to Auschwitz in 1990s. This project also includes archival research, content analysis of the media and school text books, and empirical quantitative and qualitative research among the Polish visitors to the State Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau in Oświęcim and the Museum’s staff. The project in general and the survey in particular have been undertaken to fill in the gap of knowledge and understanding of the Polish perceptions of and attitudes to what is a painful historical fact, a complex symbol and a matter of controversies. A research objective also was to provide cognitive background to educational activities about Auschwitz in Poland and world-wide, in particular to the activities of the State Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau as well as Polish and international school curricula designers and textbook writers.
Author(s): Morsch, Günter
Date: 2001
Abstract: In 1995 the German federal centre for political education published a collection of essays on the problems arising from public representations of the Holocaust. Angela Genger, director of the Dusseldorf Memorial Centre, expressed her worries about developments at the major memorial centres following the unification of Germany. Under the heading ‘Are we facing a roll back?’, she laments that ‘the discursive and process-orientated practice adopted since the early eighties’ has been playing ‘non-principal role’2 in the memorials’ quest for renewal. As president of the working group for memorials in North Rhine-Westfalia, she particularly regrets that the discourse has since become ‘state-based’. In the old federal republic, the protagonists had often met with solid political opposition from the various municipalities, regions and federal states. Passionate and lengthy debates were carried on between so-called ‘barefoot historians’ and history workshops, trade union and church groups (especially ‘Aktion Sühnezeichen’), engaged activists and local politicians, but most of all former inmates and other victims of National Socialism. They eventually succeeded in bringing about a range of vastly different, decentralized memorials. These are seen in strong contrast to the centralized memorials, which are funded by the federal government and the relevant states, were conceived by historians and other experts, and are headed by academics and administrators enjoying a superior level of social security, with pension benefits and even the provision of housing.
Author(s): Madigan, Kevin
Date: 2001
Date: 2001
Date: 2001
Abstract: Op grond van het overzicht 2000 ten opzichte van 1999 kan echter worden geconstateerd dat niet alleen het aantal antisemitische incidenten is toegenomen, maar ook de aard ervan ernstiger is. In 2000 vonden er 32 scheldpartijen plaats, werden 6 synagogen beklad of waren een doelwit, werden er twee begraafplaatsen beklad en waren er 6 incidenten met fysiek geweld of dreiging met geweld.

In 1999 was dat resp. 17, 0, 1, 1. Het aantal antisemitische brieven en de bekladdingen namen toe. Van de 550 meldingen die het Meldpunt Discriminatie Internet ontving werd bijna de helft (203) als antisemitisch beoordeeld.

Veel uitingen zijn direct op Joodse doelen gericht, zoals de bekladding van synagogen, het zenden van brieven en faxen naar Joodse instellingen, het besmeuren van ramen met eieren van een Joodse familie en een gezin met een Hebreeuwse tekst op de voordeur en het zenden van een antisemitische fax naar een Joodse firma.

Dit in tegenstelling tot antisemitische spreekkoren bij voetbalwedstrijden, het roepen van leuzen op willekeurige plaatsen, het roepen van “vuile Jood” naar een willekeurig persoon en het brengen van de Hitlergroet.

Verband uitingen en actualiteiten
Er bestaat klaarblijkelijk een duidelijk verband tussen antisemitische uitingen en actuele gebeurtenissen, zoals de restitutie van Joodse tegoeden en het geweld tussen Israel en de Palestijnen. Voorbeeld daarvan is de brief aan CIDI met de woorden “…Het is graaien, graaien, graaien… De Joden maken het er zo zelf naar, dat mensen antisemitische gevoelens gaan krijgen.” Het aantal antisemitische uitingen bij synagogen in het begin van de tweede intifada (eind september) en de brieven waarin aan het Israelische optreden worden gerefereerd, zoals de e-mail aan het Centraal Joods Overleg: “Het is toch eigenaardig om te zien hoe sommige groepen erin slagen zogenaamde vooroordelen te bevestigen… Gezien het gedrag van de kolonist in Israel is er blijkbaar ook wat geleerd in de oorlog van de Duitser.”

Marokkaanse gemeenschap in Nederland
Opmerkelijk is het aantal antisemitische uitingen, waarbij vooral leden van de Marokkaanse gemeenschap in Nederland betrokken zijn. In dit kader werden 13 incidenten gemeld en er vonden mede vanuit deze gemeenschap drie demonstraties plaats, waarbij antisemitische leuzen werden geroepen of antisemitische symbolen werden meegevoerd. Oorzaak van dit fenomeen lijkt op de eerste plaats het uitbreken van de intifada te zijn, die vanzelfsprekend in deze gemeenschap solidariteitsgevoelens met de Palestijnen oproept. De meeste incidenten vinden inderdaad na die datum plaats. Niettemin is het opmerkelijk dat in deze mate Joden het doelwit vormen. Vermoedelijk is er meer aan de hand. In interviews in Vrij Nederland (24 maart 2001) wordt gewezen op de invloed van ophitsende Arabische zenders, het feit dat het mogelijkerwijs veelal om probleemjongeren gaat die provoceren en de invloed van het religieus-antisemitisme in Marokko. Soms hanteren Marokkanen bij hun antisemitische uitingen methoden, die zijn afgekeken van extreem-rechts. Het is duidelijk dat extreem rechts vaak even weinig van allochtonen als van Joden moet hebben. Het gedogen in stadions van de leus ‘Hamas, Hamas, Joden aan het gas’ heeft uiteindelijk ook op Marokkaanse jongeren zijn invloed gehad. Hoe het ook zij, het stemt treurig dat antisemitisme wordt aangetroffen bij mensen die zelf het mikpunt van xenofoob gedrag zijn.

Gewenningsproces
Er lijkt sprake te zijn van een gewenningsproces, dat verband zou kunnen houden met de mate waarin de politie optreedt en grenzen legt van hetgeen maatschappelijk aanvaardbaar wordt gevonden. Uitgezonderd het opmaken van proces-verbaal bij het brengen van de Hitlergroet is de politie soms niet genegen om aangifte op te nemen. Dat kan zelfs zo ver gaan, dat een politiebeambte een slachtoffer van een antisemitische scheldpartij meedeelt, dat pas aangifte gedaan kan worden indien de dader bekend is. Een gebrek aan informatie over de historische achtergronden van antisemitisme lijkt een mogelijke oorzaak van deze houding te zijn. Een aanwijzing hiervoor is de stelligheid, waarmee de politie een rechtszaak startte tegen de persoon die een agent voor ‘Jood’ had uitgescholden.
Date: 2001
Abstract: Research on the construction of lesbian and gay identity has represented this process as carrying considerable potential for in-trapsychic and interpersonal stress and conflict. This process may be rendered even more psychologically challenging for those whose identities feature salient components that are not easily reconciled with a lesbian or gay identity. An example of this is the simultaneous holding of Jewish and gay identities. This paper reports findings from a qualitative study of 21 Jewish gay men in Britain. Participants were interviewed about the development of their gay identity, the relationship between their gay identity and their Jewish identity, the psychological and social implications of holding these identities, and strategies for managing any difficulties associated with this. Data were subjected to interpretative phenomenological analysis. All but one of the men reported experiences of identity conflict, arising mainly from the perceived incompatibility of Jewish and gay identities. This was said to have impacted negatively upon their psychological well-being. Those who had received negative reactions to the disclosure of sexual identity within Jewish contexts often attributed this to an anti-gay stance within Judaism and a concern with ensuring the continuation of the Jewish people. Various strategies were said to have been used to manage identity threat, including compartmentalizing Jewish and gay identity and revising the content or salience of Jewish identity. Recommendations are offered for psychological interventions which could help Jewish gay men manage identity conflict.
Translated Title: The Spanish Jews today
Date: 2001
Author(s): Tye, Larry
Date: 2001
Abstract: From Publishers Weekly review:

The new Jewish diaspora of a "heterogeneous people who thrive in secular societies" is here to stay, asserts Boston Globe journalist Tye (The Father of Spin). As these diverse Jewish communities have become not merely way stations but enduring homes, they have begun to remake Judaism itself. Tye tells this intriguing story through sketches of people and of life in seven cities. In Dsseldorf, he finds an Orthodox rabbi invoking a more pluralistic Judaism to educate Russian refugees. In Dnepropetrovsk, Ukraine, a fervent Lubavitcher Hasidic rabbi has energized a dormant community. In Buenos Aires, a Jewish polity fragmented by economic setbacks and anti-Semitic attacks has begun to revive with new models of worship and organization. In Paris, Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews have forged ties that could serve as a model for their fractious brethren in Israel. Tye's chapter on Dublin, where the Jewish community is dying, may at first seem anomalous, but, he argues, their determination to reestablish their "Gaelic brand of Judaism" elsewhere is a testament to the ability of Jews to survive wherever they may be. His two American chapters focus on Boston, where the Jewish community has fused learning, spirituality and social justice, and Atlanta, where rival denominations work with considerable amity. Yet Tye's optimism might have been better contextualized by a broader survey. Though the author understandably had to winnow his examples from many compelling possibilities, readers may wonder about Jewish communities in such places as Melbourne, Montreal and Johannesburg. While not a breakout book, Tye's presentation of a new diaspora may intrigue a broad Jewish audience.