Abstract: La séquence génocidaire déclenchée le 7 octobre 2023 par le Hamas n’a pas seulement engendré une catastrophe humanitaire de grande ampleur, elle a également servi de détonateur à une libération de la parole antisémite dans des proportions et sous des formes que l’on croyait reléguées aux marges les plus extrêmes de l’espace public occidental. Bien au-delà des slogans violents ou des propos haineux épisodiques, ce sont des tropes antisémites pluriséculaires – que l’on pensait à jamais disqualifiés par leur association historique avec la Shoah – qui opèrent aujourd’hui un retour tonitruant dans le débat public, et ce jusqu’au sein des médias les plus respectés. Au centre de ces motifs éculés, celui du Juif tueur d’enfants, buveur de sang et figure surnaturelle du mal refait surface. Le Juif
(certes déguisé en sioniste), n’apparaît plus comme citoyen, soldat ou acteur politique, mais comme incarnation du mal absolu. L’imagerie du vampire, du sacrificateur, du boucher – jusque-là instruments de la propagande nazie, des
pamphlets d’extrême droite, de la rhétorique de l’ultra-gauche radicale et des médias arabo-musulmans les plus haineux – refleurit aujourd’hui… dans la presse grand public européenne.
Abstract: Antisemitism is still a significant problem in Polish society. This is the conclusion that emerges from the quantitative data from previous years and the statements of our interviewees.
Within the Jewish community, members often report encountering antisemitism in the form of unsavoury jokes and stereotypes rather than overt discrimination. However, conversations around the Holocaust and Polish-Jewish history frequently lead to antisemitic stereotypes and hate speech. Interestingly, the Holocaust is often the subject of jokes. This may be attributable to the perception of Jews as a historical minority who once lived in Poland.
In educational settings, courses on the Jewish community are overwhelmingly historical, primarily focusing on World War II. Almost all respondents, except non-Jewish youth, agree that contemporary Jewish topics are seldom covered in schools. This gap in multicultural education has led to a lack of understanding about nondiscrimination and minority-related issues across various age groups in Polish society.
While younger generations appear to be more tolerant toward minorities and more open to learning about them, the term "Jew" is still reportedly used as an insult among them. Discrimination is not limited to the Jewish community; focus group respondents also identified Ukrainians, Roma, people of colour, and the LGBTQ+ community as other discriminated groups. Despite the majority of focus group participants being women, only one person in each group cited women as a discriminated-against minority.
Abstract: In general, the Jewish population in Hungary has a high level of education and is in a good position socially and financially, according to the available literature and our interviewees. Those who identify as Jews are mostly non-religious and consider themselves predominantly European citizens or equally Jewish and Hungarian. According to research, the level of antisemitism in Hungary increased significantly around 2010, presumably due to the rise in popularity of the far-right Jobbik party. Since 2015, the available data show that the level of antisemitism has not changed significantly. At the same time, most interviewees reported a general increase in antisemitism in the country, citing the internet as the primary cause, as well as the family background, deficiencies of the education system, the polarisation of society, and the government‘s Soros campaign. In Hungary, antisemitism is most often manifested in the form of conspiracy theories, but other forms are also present (e.g. emotional antisemitism, new antisemitism). According to the available data, the most common form of antisemitism is hate speech. The number of hate crimes is negligible. At the political level, antisemitism emerged from the second half of the 2000s in connection with Jobbik and has been one of the tools of far-right parties (currently Mi Hazánk – Our Homeland) ever since, albeit in a less direct form than before, disguised by coded speech and appearing mainly as conspiracy theories. Although the Fidesz government announced zero tolerance towards antisemitism in 2013, it has focused its communication on several issues related to antisemitism in recent years. These include the campaign against George Soros, the glorification of antisemitic politicians (e.g. Miklós Horthy) and artists (e.g. Albert Wass) between the two world wars, the distortion of the memory of the Holocaust, and the fight against the global external enemy. Antisemitism is also present in the sports fan milieu, primarily in the football fan scene and especially in the ultra scene. According to a 2017 survey, half of Hungarian Jews have experienced antisemitism in their lifetime, and all of our Jewish interviewees mentioned such experiences. Many of them highlighted the government‘s antisemitism-related doubletalk’s negative effects on their sense of security. While antisemitism is undoubtedly present in Hungary, research and interviewees also suggest that society is much more prejudiced towards other minorities, especially the Roma, the LGBTQ+, and migrants. According to first-line practitioners, the extent to which antisemitism is present among students depends on the school. When it appears among students, it is primarily present in verbal forms, and often, there are no real antisemitic sentiments in the background. Several interviewees identified education as one of the most important tools to reduce antisemitism.
Abstract: This document was prepared based on the analysis of materials found through documentary research, in particular on materials and sources made available by the CDEC Foundation and the Union of Italian Jewish Communities (UCEI) portal, and on the analysis of data acquired through the responses of the interviewees intended to provide structured and documented information on the phenomenon of antisemitism in Italy today. In particular, the report focuses on the situation of Italian Jewish communities and Jewish life in its social, political, economic, cultural and religious dimensions.
The most substantial part of the report concerns the level of antisemitism in Italian society, its prevalent forms and the areas in which it manifests itself. With reference to the different manifestations of antisemitism, it’s pointed out which stereotypes are present in society and which are the most prevalent. From this analysis, it’s clear that the forms and areas in which antisemitism manifests itself differ according to the degree of schooling, cultural formation and socio-economic background of the perpetrators of antisemitic acts. Hence, it is difficult to identify the profile of the antisemite rigidly. The areas where acts of hatred and hate crimes are most prevalent are social media and sports, particularly soccer. Still, even in the political debate, it is evident that more or less latent forms of antisemitism related to Nazi-fascist ideology are present for far-right movements and anti-Zionism for the extreme left wing.
The report also aims to highlight which other minorities are most discriminated against in Italy and what stereotypes and prejudices associated with them, as well as what are the intersections between antisemitism and other forms of racism and intolerance. Considerable space is, finally, devoted to the educational strategies implemented in schools to counter and prevent antisemitism as the direction of the Italian Ministry of Education and Merit (IMPE) points to the dissemination and implementation of the Guidelines for Countering Antisemitism (2019) in public schools and the promotion of a culture of dialogue and peace.
Abstract: This research report presents the findings of an extensive study conducted in Romania between March and September 2023, focusing on the multifaceted issue of antisemitism in the country. The study provides an analysis of the contemporary situation of Jewish communities in Romania, the prevalence and perceptions of antisemitism, and
its intersection with other forms of intolerance.
Additionally, the report examines efforts to prevent antisemitism through educational initiatives. The research reveals that antisemitism in Romania has deep historical roots, and it is still pervasive and widespread. It typically takes the form of latent stereotypes and prejudices, manifested in narratives that are deeply intertwined with complex
conspiracy theories and nationalist interpretations of Romanian history. Many individuals are unaware
of the current-day expressions and manifestations of antisemitism, and this lack of awareness further
exacerbates the problem. Although Romania has introduced legislation in recent years to combat
antisemitism and other forms of discrimination and intolerance, the enforcement and implementation
of these laws are inconsistent and sporadic.
A positive development is the introduction of Holocaust education as a mandatory subject in high schools, starting in 2023. However, there are challenges in the effective implementation of this curriculum. Teachers call for clearer guidelines, training, and updated educational materials to ensure the new curriculum fulfils its goals. The research underscores the pressing need for efforts to acknowledge and address antisemitism in Romania. These efforts should include increasing awareness about contemporary manifestations of antisemitism, consistent enforcement of
existing legislation, and working collaboratively across sectors to strengthen Holocaust education
initiatives. These steps are essential in combating the deeply entrenched antisemitism in the country
and promoting a more inclusive and tolerant society for all.
Abstract: This article explores how Holocaust education can be reimagined through the lens of Critical Theory—particularly the work of Theodor W. Adorno—in order to more effectively confront contemporary antisemitism. While Holocaust education is often invoked as a response to rising antisemitism, its actual impact in this regard remains contested. Drawing on Adorno’s reflections on antisemitism and education after Auschwitz, the article highlights both the emancipatory potential and the limitations of education. Central themes include the importance of early childhood education, the critique of ideology, and the tension between pedagogical aims and societal structures. The article proposes eleven impulses for rethinking Holocaust education, emphasizing, among other points, the need to turn toward the subject, the dangers of half-education (Halbbildung), and the importance of linking historical specificity with sociological insight. Rather than offering a prescriptive model, it outlines a conceptual framework that situates Holocaust education within a broader project of social critique and enlightenment. Ultimately, it argues that Holocaust education alone cannot prevent antisemitism, but can meaningfully contribute to resisting it.
Abstract: The Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (Claims Conference) commissioned Schoen Cooperman Research to conduct a comprehensive national study of Holocaust Knowledge and Awareness in the Netherlands.
Schoen Cooperman Research conducted 2,000 interviews across the Netherlands. The margin of error for the study is 2 percent. This memo presents our key research findings and compares these findings with prior Claims Conference studies, which were conducted in five other countries.
Our latest study finds significant gaps in Holocaust knowledge and awareness in the Netherlands, as well as widespread concern that Holocaust denial and Holocaust distortion are problems in the Netherlands today.
We found that 23 percent of Dutch Millennials and Gen Z respondents believe the Holocaust is a myth, or that it occurred but the number of Jews who died has been greatly exaggerated – the highest percentage among Millennials and Gen Z respondents in all six countries the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against
Germany has previously studied.
Further, 29 percent of Dutch respondents, including 37 percent of Dutch Millennials and Gen Z respondents believe that two million or fewer Jews were killed during the Holocaust. Moreover, despite the fact that more than 70 percent of the Netherlands’ Jewish population perished during the Holocaust, a majority of Dutch respondents (53
percent), including 60 percent of Dutch Millennials and Gen Z, do not cite the Netherlands as a country where the Holocaust took place. Finally, 53 percent of Dutch respondents believe that something like the Holocaust
could happen again today.
Abstract: After the Holocaust, in which 87 per cent of Greek Jewry was annihilated, communities confronted the challenge
of survival with limited resources. In many cases, synagogues and communal properties were sold and demolished
to support the surviving Jewish populations or to establish new institutions, such as the Jewish Museum of Greece.
This process illustrates a critical social dilemma: whether the continuity of community should be ensured through
the maintenance of living institutions or through the preservation of monuments as bearers of collective memory.
But what occurs when members of the community object to leadership decisions or challenge institutional
authority? This article examines the interplay between antisemitism and internal mechanisms of exclusion within
the Jewish communities in Greece, and how these dynamics shape both communal identity and the urban
landscape. Drawing on archival research and documentation of synagogues initiated by the author in 1993, it
highlights the tension between assimilation and self-preservation expressed both socially and spatially. Traditional
Jewish neighbourhoods, with their defensive layouts and gates, embodied a morphology of protection that
reinforced boundaries while becoming landmarks within historic city centres in cities such as Veroia, Komotini,
Kos, and Serres. The discussion situates the destruction and preservation of synagogues within broader patterns of
urban renewal, reconstruction, and transformation, where redevelopment often erases valuable cultural heritage,
and considers how such processes engage the voices that object to this erasure. Framed through the thought of
Ricœur, Arendt, and Levinas, the argument also emphasizes the moral responsibility of the researcher, alongside
that of community members, to act as a guardian of memory, recognising that the loss of monuments constitutes
both an urban and existential rupture, with implications for present and future generations.
Topics: Antisemitism, Main Topic: Antisemitism, Law, Policy, European Union, Antisemitism: Education against, Holocaust Commemoration, Holocaust Education, Hate crime, Jewish Heritage, Jewish Culture
Abstract: The pro-Gaza demonstrations that marked the summer of 2014 were trailed by a concern over the intensity of anti-Semitism among European Muslims and accusations of ‘double standards’ with regard to anti-Muslim racism. In the Netherlands, the debate featured a nexus between the Holocaust, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, freedom of speech and the limits of tolerance, which beckons a closer analysis. I argue that it indicates the place of the Holocaust in the European imaginary as one of a haunting, which is marked by a structure of dis/avowal. Prescriptive multicultural tolerance, which builds on Europe’s debt to the Holocaust and represents the culturalized response to racial inequalities, reiterates this structure of dis/avowal. It ensures that its normative framework of identity politics and equivalences, and the Holocaust, Jews and anti-Semitism which occupy a seminal place within it, supplies the dominant (and in the case of anti-Semitism, displaced) terms for the contestation of (disavowed) racialized structures of inequality. The dominance of the framework of identity politics as a channel for minority populations to express a sense of marginalization and disaffection with mainstream politics, however, risks culturalizing both the origins and the solutions to that marginalization. Especially when that sense of marginalization is filtered and expressed through the contestation of the primacy of the Holocaust memory, it enables the state, which embeds Jews retrogressively in the European project, to externalize racialized minorities on the basis of presumed cultural incompatibilities (including anti-Semitism, now externalized from the memory of Europe proper and attributed uniquely to the Other); to erase its historical and contemporary racisms; and to subject minority populations to disciplinary securitization. Moreover, it contributes to the obfuscation of the political, social and economic dynamics through which neo-liberal capitalism effects the hollowing out of the social contract and the resultant fragmentation of society (which the state then can attribute to ‘deficient’ minority cultures and values).
Abstract: Based on interviews, the purpose of the article is to study how Roma and Jews experience everyday violations and hate crime and how the victims deal with this exposure. The victims’ narratives are analysed using, for example, theories and research on anti-Semitism, anti-Ziganism, everyday racism and power relations. During the post-war period Jews have largely been seen by the majority population as belonging to the white ”Swedishness”, while the Roma belong to one of many deeply despised minorities that often are exposed to everyday violations and hate crime. However, there is anti-Semitism in Sweden that in certain situations and circumstances is explicitly expressed in the form of abuse, threats or violence. The article describes and analyses how the victims of hate crime deal with this exposure and how the crimes affect them. Some Roma and Jews ”are forced” to live a kind of double life because they are afraid of being ”exposed” as a Roma or a Jew. For example, Jewish and Roma symbols are often spontaneously concealed. The damage that hate crime causes is spread beyond the individual to the victim’s entire group, a form of ”message crimes”. The consequences for the individual concerned can be very serious. Roma and Jewish groups as a whole can also be affected by the restrictions imposed on their lives.
Abstract: This document is a consolidated summary of urgent policy priorities of the Jewish community, following the
antisemitic terrorist attack on the Heaton Park Hebrew Congregation on Yom Kippur (2 October 2025), the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. This attack was not just an attack on British Jews, but on British society and British values.
These priorities are based on consultations within and between leading community organisations, including the Board of Deputies, JLC, UJS, and CST, and reflect the focus of our engagement with government and others since the attack.
We have seen a series of welcome announcements from government in response, and we are actively seeking
further action and implementation across these priorities.
However, these measures on their own will not be sufficient to meet the long-term society-wide challenge of
confronting antisemitic hatred as it has manifested itself in recent years. What is needed is a Comprehensive Government Strategy on Antisemitism, and this paper reflects what that might encompass.
Building on existing initiatives, including the recent report of the Board of Deputies Commission on Antisemitism,
we will continue working with partners and experts, with government, and with all parts of our diverse community, to seek input on these priorities and to integrate them into a wider strategy that addresses the problem at its
deepest roots. This includes ensuring the relevance of these priorities for the whole of the UK, taking account of
administrative and legal variations in devolved nations and regions.
Abstract: Since unification, Germany has experienced profound changes, including the reawakening of xenophobic hate crime, anti-Semitic incidents, and racist violence. This book presents the most recent research conducted by a team of American and German experts in political science, sociology, mass communication, and history. They analyze the degree of antisemitism, xenophobia, remembrance, and Holocaust knowledge in German public opinion; the groups and organizations that propagate prejudice and hate; and the German, American, and Jewish perceptions of, and reactions to, these phenomena.
Abstract: Im vorliegenden Studienbericht werden die zentralen Befunde aus einer in Sachsen-Anhalt in den Jahren 2021–2023 durchgeführten Studie zu Antisemitismus im institutionellen Kontext Schule vorgestellt und diskutiert. Die Studie ist Teil einer Bundesländerstudienreihe, die seit 2017 am Forschungsbereich des Kompetenzzentrums für Antisemitismuskritische Bildung und Forschung durchgeführt wird – seit 2021 in einer institutionalisierten Forschungskooperation mit der Fachhochschule Potsdam.
Im Rahmen der Studienreihe wurden neben der Studie in Sachsen-Anhalt regionale Studien in Berlin, Baden-Württemberg, Thüringen und Sachsen umgesetzt.
In einer bundesweiten Familienstudie wurden zudem Erfahrungen mit Antisemitismus an Schulen aus den Perspektiven jüdischer Jugendlicher und jüdischer Familien untersucht. Diese Befunde fließen in die Bundesländerstudienreihe mit ein und bilden die Grundlage für die Analyse jüdischer Erfahrungen im Kontext der Institution Schule. Das Erkenntnisinteresse der Bundesländerstudien betrifft in erster Linie die Wahrnehmungen, Deutungen und Praktiken im Umgang mit Antisemitismus in der Institution Schule aus den Perspektiven von (ehemaligen) jüdischen Schüler*innen, Lehrkräften und weiteren schulischen Fachkräften. Die vertiefenden Untersuchungen in einzelnen Bundesländern als Teil der Bundesländerstudienreihe sollen zudem
die Berücksichtigung regionaler gesellschaftlicher, bildungspolitischer und historischer Spezifika im Umgang mit Antisemitismus sowie langfristig einen Vergleich zwischen den Bundesländern ermöglichen.
In diesem Bericht gehen wir zunächst auf den Hintergrund der Studie in Sachsen-Anhalt ein, skizzieren exemplarisch den Forschungsstand, ordnen den methodologischen Zugang zu Antisemitismus als Diskriminierungs- und Gewaltform im institutionellen Kontext Schule ein, erläutern das Forschungsdesign und diskutieren schließlich die Befunde und Reflexionsempfehlungen. Zu beachten ist, dass die Daten vor dem antisemitischen Massaker durch islamistische Terrorgruppen in Israel im Oktober 2023 und dem darauffolgenden Anstieg des offenen Antisemitismus in Deutschland erhoben wurden. Dieser Bericht gibt somit vertiefte Einblicke in den Umgang mit Antisemitismus im Schulalltag in Sachsen-Anhalt aus jüdischen und nichtjüdischen Perspektiven vor dem Terror des 7. Oktobers. Studienteilnehmende einer anderen Studie (vgl. Chernivsky / Lorenz-Sinai 2024 b) zu den Auswirkungen des 7. Oktobers auf jüdische und israelische Communities beschreiben die Folgen des Terrorangriffs als weitreichende »Zäsur«. Jüdische Eltern schildern ihre Sorgen, dass die Bekanntgabe der jüdischen Identität ihrer Kinder im Kontext Schule gegen sie genutzt werden könnte. Insofern sind die Befunde aus der in den Jahren 2021–2023 in Sachsen-Anhalt durchgeführten Studie nicht veraltet, sondern bilden jüdische Alltagserfahrungen und Lehrer*innenperspektiven auf Antisemitismus ab. Zugleich kann auch in Sachsen-Anhalt seit dem 7. Oktober 2023 von einer Veränderung des Sicherheitsgefühls jüdischer Familien und Lehrkräfte im Raum Schule ausgegangen werden sowie von einer Zunahme antisemitischer Übergriffe.
Abstract: In this chapter I intend to present what happens when contemporary Western activist and academic anti-Zionism falls on the fertile soil of a country which is, firstly, semi-peripheral and, secondly, burdened with a history of antisemitism that is as intense as it is specific. Its specificity entails three postwar waves of Jewish emigration caused by antisemitic violence, primarily to Israel. The first two happened in 1946–9 and 1956–60, respectively. The third of these waves was triggered by what in Poland is generally referred to as ‘March’. The repression of student youth protesting against censorship intensified in March 1968, but the antisemitic campaign with which the state authorities cracked down on opposition within the party and on the streets lingered on for much longer. It was unleashed under the banner of ‘anti-Zionism’. I will first briefly outline the events of that period, since knowledge of them is essential to understanding the meanings with which the term ‘Zionism’ is imbued in Poland. Next I will outline the contemporary politics of remembrance of ‘March’ and, more broadly, the stakes of Polish historical politics, which are related to the collective manifestations of Poles’ attitudes towards Jews. These three phenomena – March 1968, the management of its memory and contemporary historical politics reproducing antisemitic clichés – form, so I would like to suggest, the first context against which the functioning of anti-Zionism in Poland today should be considered.
Abstract: Este ensayo pretende acercar al lector, desde una visión panorámica, a la ideología del antisemitismo, centrándose en el caso de la Alemania contemporánea y el antijudaísmo en general, comenzando, por ello, con una breve aproximación al fenómeno en sus etapas medieval y moderna. Después, el núcleo del trabajo pasa por una doble motivación: primero, un breve repaso a lo que hemos considerado “antisemitismo stricto sensu” que se da en la Alemania del último tercio del siglo xix y, segundo, una reflexión acerca de la permanencia del fenómeno en nuestros días y el propósito de
revertirlo, procurando extender la dignidad a toda la humanidad.
Abstract: Die Publikation entstand im Rahmen der Fachtagung „Aktuelle Erscheinungsformen und Herausforderungen des Antisemitismus“, die vom 29. – 30. September 2022 in Leipziger Neuen Rathaus stattfand.
Die Broschüre versammelt Beiträge, die von den Referent*innen zu den Inhalten ihrer Vorträge und Workshops verfasst wurden und diese kompakt wiedergeben. Neben einer theoretischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Phänomen, werden in den Beiträgen verschiedene Formen des gegenwärtigen Judenhasses sowie rechtliche und präventive Handlungsmöglichkeiten im Kampf gegen Antisemitismus in den Blick genommen.
Mit Beiträgen von: Vicki Felthaus (Bürgermeisterin und Beigeordnete für Jugend, Schule und Demokratie der Stadt Leipzig), Rabbinerin Esther Jonas-Märtin, Henry Lewkowitz (Erich-Zeigner-Haus e.V.), Prof. Dr. Stephan Grigat (Centrum für Antisemitismus- und Rassismusstudien [CARS]), Dr. Olaf Glöckner (Moses Mendelssohn Zentrum für europäisch-jüdische Studien e.V.), Benjamin Männel, Dr. des. Ulrike Becker & Michael Spaney (Mideast Freedom Forum Berlin e.V.), Dr. Olaf Kistenmacher (Villigster Forschungsforum zu Nationalsozialismus, Rassismus und Antisemitismus e.V.), Marie Künne (Debunk. Amadeu Antonio Stiftung), Marina Chernivsky (OFEK e. V. | Kompetenzzentrum für Prävention und Empowerment), Susanne Feustel (Kulturbüro Sachsen e.V.) und Peter Lewkowitz.
Abstract: This article examines the role of antisemitism in international politics. Drawing on a genealogy of European antisemitism, it proposes the analytic framework of the ‘enemy within’ to foreground instances when Jewish ‘enemy’ figures are positioned on both sides of the boundaries organising international political orders. This particular permutation of (racial) bordering is porous and ambivalent, even or especially as ‘hard’ and binary racial borders are simultaneously enforced. The article identifies four characteristics of the Jewish ‘enemy within’: a shared origin story with European Christendom; simultaneous presence on both sides of a (racial) boundary; a prompting of fears around contagion, infiltration and assimilation; and deployment to legitimise strategies of hyper-vigilance, surveillance and purification. The genealogy traces how the Jewish ‘enemy within’ is mobilised in consolidation or defence of, first, Christian medieval order and, second, raced nation-states, economies, and bodies, in modernity. In both periods, the Jewish ‘enemy within’ appears as both an insider and outsider whose perceived ambivalence threatens, and is mobilised to defend, religious, racial and political international orders. Finally, the article applies this framework to contemporary antisemitism. Overall, the article offers a novel engagement with antisemitism in International Relations and a tool for analysing complex forms of racial bordering in global politics.
Abstract: This report from B’nai B’rith International, democ and the European Union of Jewish Students (EUJS) documents the surge of antisemitism on university campuses across Europe in the aftermath of the October 7, 2023 Hamas terrorist attack in Israel. Since then, Jewish students and faculty have faced harassment, intimidation and violence, creating a climate of fear and exclusion across campuses.
Universities that should safeguard open debate and diversity have instead seen antisemitic rhetoric, Holocaust distortion, glorification of Hamas and calls for “intifada.” Professors, radical student groups, and outside organizations have often fueled this atmosphere, while administrators too often failed to act.
Covering Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom, the report identifies repeated patterns: threats and assaults against Jewish students, antisemitic vandalism, incitement to violence, and weak or inconsistent institutional responses.
Abstract: CST recorded 1,521 antisemitic incidents across the UK in the first half of 2025, the second-highest total ever reported to CST in the first six months of any year. This is a decrease of 25% from the 2,019 antisemitic incidents recorded by CST in the January- to-June period of 2024, which was the highest figure ever reported to CST for the first half of any year. CST recorded 965 incidents in the first six months of 2023, 823 from January to June 2022, and 1,371 in the first half of 2021.
The 1,521 anti-Jewish hate incidents recorded in the first six months of 2025 is a fall from the half-year record reported in 2024, but it is a significant total, fuelled by ongoing reactions to the conflict in the Middle East. It is 11% higher than the third- highest six-monthly figure of 1,371 incidents recorded in 2021, which itself was a result of antisemitic reactions to an escalation of conflict in the Middle East across May and June that year. Antisemitic incidents have been reported to CST at an increased rate since the Hamas terror attack in Israel on 7 October 2023. After an immediate and notable spike in anti-Jewish hate immediately following that date, observed before Israel had coordinated any large- scale on-the-ground military response in Gaza, incident levels eventually settled at a substantially higher average than prior to the attack.
In the six months leading up to 7 October 2023, CST recorded a monthly average of 161 antisemitic incidents per month. In the first six months of 2025, this monthly average stood at 254 incidents, a 58% increase from that earlier period. CST had only ever recorded monthly incident totals exceeding 200 on five occasions prior to October 2023, each correlating with past periods when Israel was at war.Since the 7 October attack, the only month in which CST logged an incident figure below 200 was December 2024. The current war in the Middle East has lasted the entirety of the period covered in this report and has continued to impact the volume and discourse of antisemitism reported to CST in the first six months of this year, as it has every month since October 2023.
Topics: Antisemitism, Main Topic: Antisemitism, Law, Policy, European Union, Antisemitism: Education against, Holocaust Commemoration, Holocaust Education, Hate crime, Jewish Heritage, Jewish Culture
Topics: Antisemitism, Main Topic: Antisemitism, Law, Policy, European Union, Antisemitism: Education against, Holocaust Commemoration, Holocaust Education, Hate crime, Jewish Heritage, Jewish Culture
