Topics: Antisemitism, Main Topic: Antisemitism, Law, Policy, European Union, Antisemitism: Education against, Holocaust Commemoration, Holocaust Education, Hate crime, Jewish Heritage, Jewish Culture
Abstract: The pro-Gaza demonstrations that marked the summer of 2014 were trailed by a concern over the intensity of anti-Semitism among European Muslims and accusations of ‘double standards’ with regard to anti-Muslim racism. In the Netherlands, the debate featured a nexus between the Holocaust, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, freedom of speech and the limits of tolerance, which beckons a closer analysis. I argue that it indicates the place of the Holocaust in the European imaginary as one of a haunting, which is marked by a structure of dis/avowal. Prescriptive multicultural tolerance, which builds on Europe’s debt to the Holocaust and represents the culturalized response to racial inequalities, reiterates this structure of dis/avowal. It ensures that its normative framework of identity politics and equivalences, and the Holocaust, Jews and anti-Semitism which occupy a seminal place within it, supplies the dominant (and in the case of anti-Semitism, displaced) terms for the contestation of (disavowed) racialized structures of inequality. The dominance of the framework of identity politics as a channel for minority populations to express a sense of marginalization and disaffection with mainstream politics, however, risks culturalizing both the origins and the solutions to that marginalization. Especially when that sense of marginalization is filtered and expressed through the contestation of the primacy of the Holocaust memory, it enables the state, which embeds Jews retrogressively in the European project, to externalize racialized minorities on the basis of presumed cultural incompatibilities (including anti-Semitism, now externalized from the memory of Europe proper and attributed uniquely to the Other); to erase its historical and contemporary racisms; and to subject minority populations to disciplinary securitization. Moreover, it contributes to the obfuscation of the political, social and economic dynamics through which neo-liberal capitalism effects the hollowing out of the social contract and the resultant fragmentation of society (which the state then can attribute to ‘deficient’ minority cultures and values).
Abstract: Based on interviews, the purpose of the article is to study how Roma and Jews experience everyday violations and hate crime and how the victims deal with this exposure. The victims’ narratives are analysed using, for example, theories and research on anti-Semitism, anti-Ziganism, everyday racism and power relations. During the post-war period Jews have largely been seen by the majority population as belonging to the white ”Swedishness”, while the Roma belong to one of many deeply despised minorities that often are exposed to everyday violations and hate crime. However, there is anti-Semitism in Sweden that in certain situations and circumstances is explicitly expressed in the form of abuse, threats or violence. The article describes and analyses how the victims of hate crime deal with this exposure and how the crimes affect them. Some Roma and Jews ”are forced” to live a kind of double life because they are afraid of being ”exposed” as a Roma or a Jew. For example, Jewish and Roma symbols are often spontaneously concealed. The damage that hate crime causes is spread beyond the individual to the victim’s entire group, a form of ”message crimes”. The consequences for the individual concerned can be very serious. Roma and Jewish groups as a whole can also be affected by the restrictions imposed on their lives.
Abstract: This document is a consolidated summary of urgent policy priorities of the Jewish community, following the
antisemitic terrorist attack on the Heaton Park Hebrew Congregation on Yom Kippur (2 October 2025), the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. This attack was not just an attack on British Jews, but on British society and British values.
These priorities are based on consultations within and between leading community organisations, including the Board of Deputies, JLC, UJS, and CST, and reflect the focus of our engagement with government and others since the attack.
We have seen a series of welcome announcements from government in response, and we are actively seeking
further action and implementation across these priorities.
However, these measures on their own will not be sufficient to meet the long-term society-wide challenge of
confronting antisemitic hatred as it has manifested itself in recent years. What is needed is a Comprehensive Government Strategy on Antisemitism, and this paper reflects what that might encompass.
Building on existing initiatives, including the recent report of the Board of Deputies Commission on Antisemitism,
we will continue working with partners and experts, with government, and with all parts of our diverse community, to seek input on these priorities and to integrate them into a wider strategy that addresses the problem at its
deepest roots. This includes ensuring the relevance of these priorities for the whole of the UK, taking account of
administrative and legal variations in devolved nations and regions.
Abstract: Since unification, Germany has experienced profound changes, including the reawakening of xenophobic hate crime, anti-Semitic incidents, and racist violence. This book presents the most recent research conducted by a team of American and German experts in political science, sociology, mass communication, and history. They analyze the degree of antisemitism, xenophobia, remembrance, and Holocaust knowledge in German public opinion; the groups and organizations that propagate prejudice and hate; and the German, American, and Jewish perceptions of, and reactions to, these phenomena.
Abstract: Im vorliegenden Studienbericht werden die zentralen Befunde aus einer in Sachsen-Anhalt in den Jahren 2021–2023 durchgeführten Studie zu Antisemitismus im institutionellen Kontext Schule vorgestellt und diskutiert. Die Studie ist Teil einer Bundesländerstudienreihe, die seit 2017 am Forschungsbereich des Kompetenzzentrums für Antisemitismuskritische Bildung und Forschung durchgeführt wird – seit 2021 in einer institutionalisierten Forschungskooperation mit der Fachhochschule Potsdam.
Im Rahmen der Studienreihe wurden neben der Studie in Sachsen-Anhalt regionale Studien in Berlin, Baden-Württemberg, Thüringen und Sachsen umgesetzt.
In einer bundesweiten Familienstudie wurden zudem Erfahrungen mit Antisemitismus an Schulen aus den Perspektiven jüdischer Jugendlicher und jüdischer Familien untersucht. Diese Befunde fließen in die Bundesländerstudienreihe mit ein und bilden die Grundlage für die Analyse jüdischer Erfahrungen im Kontext der Institution Schule. Das Erkenntnisinteresse der Bundesländerstudien betrifft in erster Linie die Wahrnehmungen, Deutungen und Praktiken im Umgang mit Antisemitismus in der Institution Schule aus den Perspektiven von (ehemaligen) jüdischen Schüler*innen, Lehrkräften und weiteren schulischen Fachkräften. Die vertiefenden Untersuchungen in einzelnen Bundesländern als Teil der Bundesländerstudienreihe sollen zudem
die Berücksichtigung regionaler gesellschaftlicher, bildungspolitischer und historischer Spezifika im Umgang mit Antisemitismus sowie langfristig einen Vergleich zwischen den Bundesländern ermöglichen.
In diesem Bericht gehen wir zunächst auf den Hintergrund der Studie in Sachsen-Anhalt ein, skizzieren exemplarisch den Forschungsstand, ordnen den methodologischen Zugang zu Antisemitismus als Diskriminierungs- und Gewaltform im institutionellen Kontext Schule ein, erläutern das Forschungsdesign und diskutieren schließlich die Befunde und Reflexionsempfehlungen. Zu beachten ist, dass die Daten vor dem antisemitischen Massaker durch islamistische Terrorgruppen in Israel im Oktober 2023 und dem darauffolgenden Anstieg des offenen Antisemitismus in Deutschland erhoben wurden. Dieser Bericht gibt somit vertiefte Einblicke in den Umgang mit Antisemitismus im Schulalltag in Sachsen-Anhalt aus jüdischen und nichtjüdischen Perspektiven vor dem Terror des 7. Oktobers. Studienteilnehmende einer anderen Studie (vgl. Chernivsky / Lorenz-Sinai 2024 b) zu den Auswirkungen des 7. Oktobers auf jüdische und israelische Communities beschreiben die Folgen des Terrorangriffs als weitreichende »Zäsur«. Jüdische Eltern schildern ihre Sorgen, dass die Bekanntgabe der jüdischen Identität ihrer Kinder im Kontext Schule gegen sie genutzt werden könnte. Insofern sind die Befunde aus der in den Jahren 2021–2023 in Sachsen-Anhalt durchgeführten Studie nicht veraltet, sondern bilden jüdische Alltagserfahrungen und Lehrer*innenperspektiven auf Antisemitismus ab. Zugleich kann auch in Sachsen-Anhalt seit dem 7. Oktober 2023 von einer Veränderung des Sicherheitsgefühls jüdischer Familien und Lehrkräfte im Raum Schule ausgegangen werden sowie von einer Zunahme antisemitischer Übergriffe.
Abstract: In this chapter I intend to present what happens when contemporary Western activist and academic anti-Zionism falls on the fertile soil of a country which is, firstly, semi-peripheral and, secondly, burdened with a history of antisemitism that is as intense as it is specific. Its specificity entails three postwar waves of Jewish emigration caused by antisemitic violence, primarily to Israel. The first two happened in 1946–9 and 1956–60, respectively. The third of these waves was triggered by what in Poland is generally referred to as ‘March’. The repression of student youth protesting against censorship intensified in March 1968, but the antisemitic campaign with which the state authorities cracked down on opposition within the party and on the streets lingered on for much longer. It was unleashed under the banner of ‘anti-Zionism’. I will first briefly outline the events of that period, since knowledge of them is essential to understanding the meanings with which the term ‘Zionism’ is imbued in Poland. Next I will outline the contemporary politics of remembrance of ‘March’ and, more broadly, the stakes of Polish historical politics, which are related to the collective manifestations of Poles’ attitudes towards Jews. These three phenomena – March 1968, the management of its memory and contemporary historical politics reproducing antisemitic clichés – form, so I would like to suggest, the first context against which the functioning of anti-Zionism in Poland today should be considered.
Abstract: Este ensayo pretende acercar al lector, desde una visión panorámica, a la ideología del antisemitismo, centrándose en el caso de la Alemania contemporánea y el antijudaísmo en general, comenzando, por ello, con una breve aproximación al fenómeno en sus etapas medieval y moderna. Después, el núcleo del trabajo pasa por una doble motivación: primero, un breve repaso a lo que hemos considerado “antisemitismo stricto sensu” que se da en la Alemania del último tercio del siglo xix y, segundo, una reflexión acerca de la permanencia del fenómeno en nuestros días y el propósito de
revertirlo, procurando extender la dignidad a toda la humanidad.
Abstract: Die Publikation entstand im Rahmen der Fachtagung „Aktuelle Erscheinungsformen und Herausforderungen des Antisemitismus“, die vom 29. – 30. September 2022 in Leipziger Neuen Rathaus stattfand.
Die Broschüre versammelt Beiträge, die von den Referent*innen zu den Inhalten ihrer Vorträge und Workshops verfasst wurden und diese kompakt wiedergeben. Neben einer theoretischen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Phänomen, werden in den Beiträgen verschiedene Formen des gegenwärtigen Judenhasses sowie rechtliche und präventive Handlungsmöglichkeiten im Kampf gegen Antisemitismus in den Blick genommen.
Mit Beiträgen von: Vicki Felthaus (Bürgermeisterin und Beigeordnete für Jugend, Schule und Demokratie der Stadt Leipzig), Rabbinerin Esther Jonas-Märtin, Henry Lewkowitz (Erich-Zeigner-Haus e.V.), Prof. Dr. Stephan Grigat (Centrum für Antisemitismus- und Rassismusstudien [CARS]), Dr. Olaf Glöckner (Moses Mendelssohn Zentrum für europäisch-jüdische Studien e.V.), Benjamin Männel, Dr. des. Ulrike Becker & Michael Spaney (Mideast Freedom Forum Berlin e.V.), Dr. Olaf Kistenmacher (Villigster Forschungsforum zu Nationalsozialismus, Rassismus und Antisemitismus e.V.), Marie Künne (Debunk. Amadeu Antonio Stiftung), Marina Chernivsky (OFEK e. V. | Kompetenzzentrum für Prävention und Empowerment), Susanne Feustel (Kulturbüro Sachsen e.V.) und Peter Lewkowitz.
Abstract: This article examines the role of antisemitism in international politics. Drawing on a genealogy of European antisemitism, it proposes the analytic framework of the ‘enemy within’ to foreground instances when Jewish ‘enemy’ figures are positioned on both sides of the boundaries organising international political orders. This particular permutation of (racial) bordering is porous and ambivalent, even or especially as ‘hard’ and binary racial borders are simultaneously enforced. The article identifies four characteristics of the Jewish ‘enemy within’: a shared origin story with European Christendom; simultaneous presence on both sides of a (racial) boundary; a prompting of fears around contagion, infiltration and assimilation; and deployment to legitimise strategies of hyper-vigilance, surveillance and purification. The genealogy traces how the Jewish ‘enemy within’ is mobilised in consolidation or defence of, first, Christian medieval order and, second, raced nation-states, economies, and bodies, in modernity. In both periods, the Jewish ‘enemy within’ appears as both an insider and outsider whose perceived ambivalence threatens, and is mobilised to defend, religious, racial and political international orders. Finally, the article applies this framework to contemporary antisemitism. Overall, the article offers a novel engagement with antisemitism in International Relations and a tool for analysing complex forms of racial bordering in global politics.
Abstract: This report from B’nai B’rith International, democ and the European Union of Jewish Students (EUJS) documents the surge of antisemitism on university campuses across Europe in the aftermath of the October 7, 2023 Hamas terrorist attack in Israel. Since then, Jewish students and faculty have faced harassment, intimidation and violence, creating a climate of fear and exclusion across campuses.
Universities that should safeguard open debate and diversity have instead seen antisemitic rhetoric, Holocaust distortion, glorification of Hamas and calls for “intifada.” Professors, radical student groups, and outside organizations have often fueled this atmosphere, while administrators too often failed to act.
Covering Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom, the report identifies repeated patterns: threats and assaults against Jewish students, antisemitic vandalism, incitement to violence, and weak or inconsistent institutional responses.
Abstract: CST recorded 1,521 antisemitic incidents across the UK in the first half of 2025, the second-highest total ever reported to CST in the first six months of any year. This is a decrease of 25% from the 2,019 antisemitic incidents recorded by CST in the January- to-June period of 2024, which was the highest figure ever reported to CST for the first half of any year. CST recorded 965 incidents in the first six months of 2023, 823 from January to June 2022, and 1,371 in the first half of 2021.
The 1,521 anti-Jewish hate incidents recorded in the first six months of 2025 is a fall from the half-year record reported in 2024, but it is a significant total, fuelled by ongoing reactions to the conflict in the Middle East. It is 11% higher than the third- highest six-monthly figure of 1,371 incidents recorded in 2021, which itself was a result of antisemitic reactions to an escalation of conflict in the Middle East across May and June that year. Antisemitic incidents have been reported to CST at an increased rate since the Hamas terror attack in Israel on 7 October 2023. After an immediate and notable spike in anti-Jewish hate immediately following that date, observed before Israel had coordinated any large- scale on-the-ground military response in Gaza, incident levels eventually settled at a substantially higher average than prior to the attack.
In the six months leading up to 7 October 2023, CST recorded a monthly average of 161 antisemitic incidents per month. In the first six months of 2025, this monthly average stood at 254 incidents, a 58% increase from that earlier period. CST had only ever recorded monthly incident totals exceeding 200 on five occasions prior to October 2023, each correlating with past periods when Israel was at war.Since the 7 October attack, the only month in which CST logged an incident figure below 200 was December 2024. The current war in the Middle East has lasted the entirety of the period covered in this report and has continued to impact the volume and discourse of antisemitism reported to CST in the first six months of this year, as it has every month since October 2023.
Topics: Antisemitism, Main Topic: Antisemitism, Law, Policy, European Union, Antisemitism: Education against, Holocaust Commemoration, Holocaust Education, Hate crime, Jewish Heritage, Jewish Culture
Topics: Antisemitism, Main Topic: Antisemitism, Law, Policy, European Union, Antisemitism: Education against, Holocaust Commemoration, Holocaust Education, Hate crime, Jewish Heritage, Jewish Culture
Abstract: Face à la multiplication des actes antisémites depuis quelques années et leur déferlement après le 7 octobre, l'inquiétude des Français juifs grandit : ont-ils encore un avenir dans leur pays ?
7 octobre 2023. Israël est frappé par l'attaque terroriste la plus meurtrière de son histoire. Quelques semaines plus tard, la France bascule : + 1 000 % d'actes antisémites.
Pendant plus d'un an, Dov Maïmon et Didier Long ont mené une enquête inédite, sillonnant la France, questionnant ministres, policiers, juges antiterroristes, politologues, citoyens et hommes de foi de toutes confessions. Entre autres.
Ils ont aussi eu accès à des données jamais révélées à ce jour, issues de rapports confidentiels des services secrets français et israéliens.
En s'appuyant sur ces sources, les auteurs analysent les menaces qui pèsent sur les Français juifs aujourd'hui.
Dans un contexte social délétère, la montée de l'islamisme laisse présager un basculement vers un régime autoritaire ou une guerre civile.
Une question se pose alors : les Juifs de France doivent-ils partir avant qu'il ne soit trop tard ?
Abstract: Communicative misunderstandings, cultural misinterpretations, and tribal hatreds are not phenomena that emerge and develop only in the digital world. Within platforms, conflicts explode and circulate mainly in crisis situations, but the relationship (constructive or destructive) with the similar and the different, as well as the narration of the symbolic meanings of specific cultural events, originate first and foremost in interpersonal relationships, institutional political contexts, and the representations (and consumption) of traditional media, such as the television space. Italian television is still one of the reference means of communication for the majority of the population, a figure that has been recorded especially during the recent pandemic emergency despite the significant collapse in advertising investments. Hatred, especially anti-Semitic hatred, is increasingly present in the information ecology, linked to nationalist narratives or aimed at restoring traditional values and fuelling an already highly polarised political debate in a now “dense” public sphere. In particular, during the health crisis, television journalists found it very difficult to report in depth on cases of discrimination or COVID-19.
Abstract: A la suite de Maurice Bardèche, Paul Rassinier, Robert Faurisson, des hommes, remettant en cause l’authenticité de la Shoah, se sont prévalus du terme de révisionnistes ». Les historiens leur ont opposé – leur travail étant révisionniste par définition – le mot « négationniste ».
Cette histoire est l’histoire d’un délire, mais, comme tout délire, bâti sur une démarche rationnelle. Cependant, derrière cette apparente folie interprétative, un des buts politiques ne tarde pas à se révéler : il s’agit, en France comme dans les autres pays où le négationnisme s’est répandu, de nier les fondements historiques de l’État israélien.
Cet ouvrage retraceavec minutie la genèse d’une idéologie et ses variations dans le temps et dans l’espace. La soutenance d’une thèse d’histoire par l’auteur en est l’origine.
Abstract: This thesis looks into representations of Palestinian and Israeli-Jewish non-elite civilians in the liberal press
in Britain, namely the Guardian and the Independent newspapers. The period examined in the research
follows the al-Aqsa Intifadah (since September 2000) and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 2000s (2000-
2010). The research findings look specifically into the coverage of the peace months of July and December
2000. The primary proposition of the thesis follows the burgeoning literature regarding the parallel,
centuries-old histories of the Arab, Jew and the Idea-of-Europe in tandem, in one breath as it may (e.g.,
Anidjar, 2003, 2007; Kalmar and Penslar, 2005; Boyarin, 2009). This theorisation finds the Arab and Jew
as two formational Others to the Idea-of-Europe, with the Jew imagined as the religious and internal enemy
to Europe and the Arab as the political and external enemy (Anidjar, 2003). This research enquires how
liberal-left forms of racialisations (not only extreme right racialisations) towards the Arab and Jew are
contingent upon these centuries-old images and imaginaires, even during moments of peacemaking (not
only times of heightened violence). The main hypothesis of the research is that in the mediated, Manichean
packaging of the Arab-Israeli conflict in both newspapers the Palestinian and Israeli-Jew are reduced to
two sediment polarized identities where no Palestinian exists outside the articulation of being oppositional
to the Israeli-Jew through difference marked by violence, and vice versa. Critical Solidarity is proposed as
a mode of Peace Journalism (e.g., Galtung, 2000; Lynch and McGoldrick, 2005; Kempf, 2007) which hopes
to address concerns at the intersection of news reporting about the conflict and race.
Abstract: This study examines the extent of antisemitic bias in German higher education through a survey experiment conducted among students (N=1,416) at an average-sized German university in the fall of 2024/2025. Using a between-subjects design, participants were randomly assigned to evaluate English academic writing courses taught by fictitious instructors whose profiles varied by gender and ethnic/religious background—categorized as German, Israeli, and Jewish. Instructors were rated on sympathy and competence using a 7-point scale. While no significant differences emerged for competence ratings, results reveal notable bias in sympathy ratings: instructors identified as Jewish, particularly male Jewish instructors, received significantly lower ratings compared to their German counterparts. Instructors from Israel without a visible Jewish symbol were not rated significantly differently. There was also a gender bias, as female instructors with a German profile were rated less favorably than male instructors. Interestingly, the anti-Jewish bias was predominantly driven by female student raters, whereas male students primarily exhibited gender bias without significant antisemitic tendencies. These findings suggest that antisemitic motives, rather than anti-Israel sentiment, underlie the negative evaluations observed in this academic setting, and highlight the complex interplay between ethnic/religious prejudice and gender bias.
