Abstract: The article examines intercultural perception during the Hasidic pilgrimage in Ukraine on the examples of Uman and Medzhybizh. Pilgrimage is defined as a form of religious tourism, which is specifically expressed in the role of the sacred - the pilgrims do not need encounters with the Other (cross-cultural interaction), they search for the direct presence by the sacred object. Taking into account the closed character of this religious community, methodical emphasis of the research was made on semi-structured interviews with the locals (24 interviews in Medzhybizh, 10 interviews in Uman) and several Hasids (1 in Medzhybizh and 2 in Uman), as well as annual observations in Uman during the pilgrimage period in 2009-2012. The research gives ground to assert the existence of the conceptual differences in the perception of pilgrims by the locals of two mentioned settlements. Two basic topics are revealed in the perception of the phenomenon of pilgrimage: violation of the residents' comfort zone (leading theme in interviews with the locals) and a source of income for the population of Ukraine (one of the basic themes in interviews with the Hasids). The findings suggest that local residents perceive pilgrims mostly under the phase of «culture shock» or «honeymoon» phase, according to the three-phase concept of cross-cultural perception, offered by Furnhem and Bochner. This is facilitated by the multiplying image of an «eccentric pilgrim» in Ukrainian mass media and, at the same time, short-term nature of pilgrimage, closeness of the Hasidic community and consistent policy of mutual segregation. It is suggested that personal contacts with pilgrims affect more positive perception of pilgrimage, in a whole. Pilot interviews with the Hasids reveal that residents are perceived by pilgrims rather fragmentary: as landlords of apartments or representatives of the local Jewish community. Spatial isolationism, which accompanies the pilgrimage, narrows the possibilities for cross-cultural interactions.
Abstract: This article examines the Breslover Hasidim who attempted their annual pilgrimage to Uman during the COVID-19 pandemic. Following the Ukrainian border closure in August 2020, which was supported by the State of Israel, thousands of Breslovers were stranded in airports, land borders, and even imprisoned in the weeks leading up to the Jewish New Year. This research contributes to an emerging scholarly literature on religion and COVID-19, challenging the religion and science "conflict thesis," as interviews revealed that the choice of Breslovers to ignore public health directives stemmed less from a disbelief in science than from a conflict between state and religious authority. Pious mobilities emerge, I argue, when secular logics fail to contain and properly modify religious actors. The choice to travel to Uman was made according to a Breslover moral universe as informants turned to the spiritual tools and teachings of Rebbe Nachman to guide their decisions, especially his notion of ratzon [willpower], engaging in a form of pious mobility that attempted to transcend nation-state borders. Pious mobilities not only challenged public health initiatives in 2020, but as I demonstrate in the ethnography, Breslovers' insistence on reaching Uman simultaneously threatened the cooptation of Breslov Hasidim within a Zionist narrative, reigniting a debate over the relocation of Rebbe Nachman's remains to Israel. By ethnographically examining moments of conflict between religious groups and state officials managing the pandemic, we might better inform future public health policies and the messaging aimed at religious populations including ultra-Orthodox Jews.
Abstract: В работе проанализированы особенности организации религиозного туризма евреев хасидского направления в Украине. Акцентированы особенности локализации сакральных мест хасидов, которые приурочены в основном к местам захоронений еврейских праведников и проповедников. Детально охарактеризованы хасидские религиозные святыни г. Умань (могила цадика Нахмана), пгт. Меджибож (могила основателя хасидизма Баал-Шем-Това), а также прочие крупные еврейские религиозные дестинации, расположенные на Подолье, Закарпатье, западной Украине и т.д. Отдельно рассмотрены центры паломничества евреев к местам массового уничтожения населения в период Холокоста и немецко-фашистской оккупации. Детально рассмотрены современные религиозные центры еврейской общины, созданные для проведения религиозно-культовых мероприятий.
Определены основные проблемы развития хасидского религиозного туризма в Украине. Среди них следует особо выделить отсутствие серьезных научных исследований, касающихся выявления, определения ценности и демаркации еврейских сакральных мест паломничества, а также недостаточно развитую законодательную базу, которая бы обеспечила надлежащую правовую защиту и охрану объектов еврейского паломничества.
Среди серьезных угроз развития еврейского религиозного туризма можно также выделить опасность полного уничтожения и застройки сакральных мест и объектов паломничества, использование их территории в хозяйственных или иных нерелигиозных целях, вандализм. Также возникают дополнительные угрозы исчезновения сакральных мест в результате природных процессов запустения, эрозии, выветривания. Также, среди общих проблем туризма еврейскими сакральными местами в Украине можно выделить отсутствие развитой туристской инфраструктуры соответствующего уровня, плохую транспортную доступность недостаточное экскурсионное обеспечение. Насущной проблемой остается наличие религиозных и этнических конфликтов.
Для решения насущных проблем, следует выполнить целый ряд задач общегосударственного и регионального характера. Среди них ключевое значение имеет поиск еврейских сакральных мест на территории Украины и определение религиозной ценности. Необходима также передача прав собственности на объекты паломничества представителям региональных еврейских религиозных общин, заключение соглашения о поддержке данных мест в надлежащем состоянии. Для развития еврейского религиозного туризма нужно создать соответствующую инфраструктуру надлежащего уровня, которая бы удовлетворяла потребности туристов и паломников, а также разработать программы по созданию культурно- просветительских центров на базе этих мест.
Abstract: The good air transport links with most major European cities and Malta, has led to an increase in tourists from all over the world. This has also led to an increase in tourists of the Jewish faith. These tend to be mainly coming from North America, and the cultural tours that are planned for them, always provide a number of visits to Jewish related historical and cultural locations. The itineraries that are planned make sure that the Jewish heritage on the islands is visited. What are these locations that attract the attention of Jewish visitors to Malta?
The earliest mention of a Jewish community in Malta is securely dated to the first centuries of the Common Era. In various underground burial places, around the old capital city of Malta, there are catacombs with Jewish symbols carved on the walls of burial places. These tend to confirm the presence of a substantial Jewish community in Malta. The fate of this community is not known. The 13th century sees Abraham Abulafia, considered as a prophet, living in Malta and presumably dying here. Documentary evidence from the 13th century, point to a small Jewish community living here. By the 15th century it is clearly evident that there was a Jewish community, forming part, and taking part within the everyday life of Medieval Malta. Jews were to be recorded in Malta throughout the following centuries.
There are cemeteries dating from the 4th and 6th centuries, and others from the 19th century onwards. There is an indication of where the Jewish Silk Market was located during the Medieval times. Nowadays, pilgrimages are taking on a different aspect. The religious aspect of such a visit is not of great importance, while visiting places associated with the Jewish communities in Malta throughout the centuries, is of great significance. This can be referred to as nostalgic pilgrimage, and not necessarily a religious and spiritual pilgrimage. This is part of a cultural type of pilgrimage, identifying with previous communities of the same religious views.
Abstract: Отношение к кладбищам в еврейской традиции амбивалентно: оно является одновременно и сакральным объектом – на идише оно называется «святое место», хейлике орт, – и местом нечистоты, которое связано с нечистотой мертвого тела и может осквернять людей. В статье рассматриваются практики, связанные с паломничеством к могилам хасидских цадиков, распространенные в настоящее время в России, Украине, Израиле и США. В большинстве случаев мы имеем дело с различными вариациями почитания праведников в хасидизме, причем многие индивидуальные практики на могилах цадиков перекликаются с историческими и мемуарными свидетельствами о поклонении этим же людям при их жизни. На могилах оставляют записки с просьбами о помощи, иногда кладут на них монеты и различные предметы, которые требуют благословения. Приходя к месту погребения, соблюдают правила поведения, установленные самими цадиками: не поворачиваются спиной к могиле, снимают кожаную обувь, читают определенные псалмы и молитвы. Отдельно в статье рассматриваются паломнические практики, связанные с субститутами могил праведников: с местами бывших захоронений, перенесенных в другую страну или к могиле жены праведника, которая находится в Иерусалиме.
Abstract: Lelov, an otherwise quiet village about fifty miles south of Cracow (Poland), is where Rebbe Dovid (David) Biederman founder of the Lelov ultra-orthodox (Chasidic) Jewish group, - is buried. His grave is now a focal point of the Chasidic pilgrimages. The pilgrims themselves are a Chasidic hodgepodge, dressed in fur-brimmed hats, dreadlocked, and they all come to Lelov for the same reasons: to pray, love, and eat with their brethren. The number of pilgrims has grown exponentially since the collapse of Communism in Poland in 1989; today about three hundred ultra-orthodox Jews make a trek. Mass pilgrimage to kevorim (Chasidic graves), is quite
a new phenomenon in Eastern Europe but it has already became part of Chasidic identity.
This thesis focuses on the Chasidic pilgrimage which has always been a major part of the Jewish tradition. However, for the past fifty years, only a devoted few have been able to undertake trips back to Poland. With the collapse of Communism, when the sites in Eastern and Central Europe became more open and much more accessible, the ultra-orthodox Jews were among the first to create a ‘return movement’. Those who had been the last to leave Poland in search of asylum are now becoming the initiators of the re-discovery of Jewish symbols in this part of the world.
Abstract: This story is about a kind of pilgrimage, which is connected to the course of events which occurred in Częstochowa on 22 September 1942. In the morning, the German Captain Degenhardt lined up around 8,000 Jews and commanded them to step either to the left or to the right. This efficient judge from the police force in Leipzig was rapid in his decisions and he thus settled the destinies of thousands of people. After the Polish Defensive War of 1939, the town (renamed Tschenstochau) had been occupied by Nazi Germany, and incorporated into the General Government. The Nazis marched into Częstochowa on Sunday, 3 September 1939, two days after they invaded Poland. The next day, which became known as Bloody Monday, approximately 150 Jews were shot deadby the Germans. On 9 April 1941, a ghetto for Jews was created. During World War II about 45,000 of the Częstochowa Jews were killed by the Germans; almost the entire Jewish community living there.The late Swedish Professor of Oncology, Jerzy Einhorn (1925–2000), lived in the borderhouse Aleja 14, and heard of the terrible horrors; a ghastliness that was elucidated and concretized by all the stories told around him. Jerzy Einhorn survived the ghetto, but was detained at the Hasag-Palcery concentration camp between June 1943 and January 1945. In June 2009, his son Stefan made a bus tour between former camps, together with Jewish men and women, who were on this pilgrimage for a variety of reasons. The trip took place on 22–28 June 2009 and was named ‘A journey in the tracks of the Holocaust’. Those on the Holocaust tour represented different ‘pilgrim-modes’. The focus in this article is on two distinct differences when it comes to creed, or conceptions of the world: ‘this-worldliness’ and ‘other- worldliness’. And for the pilgrims maybe such distinctions are over-schematic, though, since ‘sacral fulfilment’ can be seen ‘at work in all modern constructions of travel, including anthropology and tourism’.
Abstract: A bennünket körülvevő világot azáltal lakjuk be, hogy jelentéssel töltjük
meg. Sokszor ugyanannak a térnek a legkülönbözőbb jelentései alakulnak ki.
A jelentéshez pedig használat társul, legyen szó az ünnepek rítusairól vagy a
mindennapok rutinjairól. A különböző csoportok különbözőképpen használhatják
ugyanazt a teret. A tér – puszta fizikai megjelenésén túl – a kogníció
szintjére is kivetül: tapasztaljuk, ábrázoljuk azt, s emlékezünk rá, elbeszéléseinkben
újraalkotjuk azt. Mindehhez keretet pedig az a csoport szolgáltat,
amelyhez tartozunk.
Hacar hakados Makave – a Makói Szent Udvar alatt a makói orthodox
főrabbi belzi chászid mintákat követő dédunokáját, Simon Lemberger rabbit
közösségi vallási tekintélyként elismerő elszármazott makói orthodox zsidók
értendők, akik többnyire a Szentföldön, részben pedig az USA-ban, Bécsben,
Londonban és Ausztráliában élnek.
A történeti Magyarország területéről különböző világvárosokban újraalakult
orthodox és chászid zsidó közösségek gyökeres változásokra adott válasza
az azoj ví in der alter chájm elve lett, amely szerint ugyanúgy kell tenni
mindent, mint a régi hazában. Ennek újratapasztalását 1994-től a makói világ
találkozók segítik.
A felújított orthodox zsinagóga a makóiság egyik fő jelképévé vált. Az egykori
Nagy és Kis zsidó utca a zarándoklatok során a felmenők elveszített
világát segít felidézni. A közösségi és genealógiai emlékezet szempontjából
hasonló jelentőségűek a közösség egykori temetői, amelyek a makói közösség
folytonosságát jelenítik meg az 1740 körüli püspöki telepítéstől a 20. század
közepéig. Vorhand Mózes rabbi emléke körül pedig egy új nemzedéki emlékezet
és „makóiság” új környezetbe illeszkedő önértelmezése alakul ki.
