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Date: 2004
Author(s): Staetsky, L. Daniel
Date: 2019
Abstract: Communal anxieties about the possibility of an inadequate supply of secondary school places in Jewish schools in London have, on occasion, run high, and have occurred against a context of demographic changes and an increase in preference for Jewish schooling. These seemingly unpredictable dynamics have made planning very difficult and this new study helps to bring some empiricism to the table.

This statistical study, authored by JPR Senior Research Fellow, Dr Daniel Staetsky, and supported by Partnerships for Jewish Schools (PaJeS), uses an empirical approach to predict future levels of demand for mainstream Jewish secondary schools in and around London. Using Local Authority data to examine applications and admissions from 2011 to 2018, it projects forward to the academic year 2022/23 in order to support future planning.

It is a follow-up to previous work in this area, and it draws on observations from the field that allow us to assess the accuracy of that work and to extend our projections further into the future.

The study concludes that current levels of provision will be sufficient if the demand in the next four years remains at today’s levels. Whilst this is a possibility, two of three possible scenarios presented in the report suggest an increase in demand, at a level in which about fifty additional places will be required across the entire Jewish secondary school system in London. Given this projected scale of increase, the report recommends that schools should develop some flexibility in capacity to satisfy the increasing demand. That might mean preparedness to open an extra class, as and when required, rather than to open an entirely new school.
Date: 2018
Author(s): Lev Ari, Lilach
Date: 2013
Abstract: This paper describes and analyzes the multiple ethnic identities
and identifications among first-generation Jewish Israeli immigrants
in Europe, and specifically in London and Paris, by means of closedend
questionnaires (N=114) and in-depth semi-structured interviews
(N=23).

Israelis who live in Europe are strongly attached to Israel and are
proud to present themselves as Israelis. Despite their place of residence,
these Israelis, particularly those residing in London and over the age
of 35, manage to find ways to preserve their Israeli identity. They also
perceive the need to expose their children to other Israelis as another
means of preventing assimilation. On the other hand, those who are
under the age of 35, and in particular those residing in Paris, have less
opportunity or less need to maintain their Israeli identity in Europe.
The older Israelis in London are also somewhat more integrated with
the proximal host and have a stronger Jewish identity than do younger
Israelis, particularly those residing in Paris. Living in Europe allows
Israelis to flourish economically without having to identify with or
belong to a cultural and social ethnic niche. The ethnic identity of
first-generation Israeli immigrants in Europe is multifaceted. While it
is primarily transnational, it is also dynamic and constantly changing
though various interactions and is, of course, susceptible to current
local and global political and economic events. For younger Israeli
immigrants, assimilation into the non-Jewish population appears to be
a possible form of identity and identification. This assimilation may be
moderated among young adults who build bridges with local Jewish
communities in tandem with their transnational formal connections
with Israel, a process that can benefit both sides. Such a process - the
reconstruction of ethnic Israeli-Jewish identity and collaborative
identification with local Jews - has the potential to strengthen and
enhance the survivability of European Jewry at large.
Author(s): Laguerre, Michel S.
Date: 2008
Abstract: Global Neighborhoods analyzes the organization of everyday life and the social integration of contemporary Jewish neighborhoods in Paris, London, and Berlin. Concentrating on the post-Holocaust era, Michel S. Laguerre explains how each urban diasporic site has followed a different path of development influenced by the local milieu in which it is incorporated. He also considers how technology has enabled extraterritorial relations with Israel and other diasporic enclaves inside and outside the hostland.

Shifting the frame of reference from assimilation theory to globalization theory and the information technology revolution, Laguerre argues that Jewish neighborhoods are not simply transnational social formations, but are fundamentally transglobal entities. Connected to multiple overseas diasporic sites, their interactions reach beyond their homelands, and they develop the logic of their social interactions inside this larger network of relationships. As with all transglobal communities, there is constant movement of people, goods, communications, ideas, images, and capital that sustains and adds vibrancy to everyday life. Since all are connected through the network, Laguerre contends that the variable shape of the local is affected by and affects the global.

Table of Contents

List of Figures, Tables, and Maps
Preface
Acknowledgments
1. Neighborhood Globalization

2. Paris’s Jewish Quarter: Unmade, Remade, and Transformed

3. Berlin’s Jewish Quarter: The Local History of the Global

4. London’s Jewish Neighborhoods: Nodes of Global Networks

5. Residential Districts Versus Business Districts

6. The Jewish Quarter as a Global Chronopolis

7. Paris’s City Hall and the Jewish Quarter

8. Heritage Tourism: The Jewish Quarter as a Theme Park

9. The Jewish Quarter, Other Diasporic Sites, and Israel

10. Information Technology and the Jewish Neighborhood

11. Neighborhoods of Globalization

Conclusion: Global Neighborhoods in the Global Metropolis

Notes
References
Index
Date: 2016
Abstract: Though the exclusion of contemporary Orthodox Jewish women from active roles in public worship and other central religious activities has been condemned as patriarchal oppression by feminists and lauded as freeing women for sacred domestic duties by Orthodox apologists, little research has been carried out on Orthodox women’s religious lives and self-understanding. This study uses participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and monitoring of community email lists and media to document women’s religious activities in London; to investigate the constraints that shape these activities; and to examine women’s exercise of agency and creativity within these constraints to shape a rich, changing, and sometimes contested set of spiritual opportunities. The study examines four spheres of action, defined by the intersection of two axes: communal-individual arenas and culturally sanctioned-innovative practices. Alongside culturally sanctioned activity such as synagogue attendance and observance of the sexual purity system, innovative and hitherto unknown practices such as berakhah (blessing) parties exist, besides more controversial attempts to participate in public worship, both in women-only services and mixed services (partnership minyanim). The patterns and transmission of women’s individual customs are also examined, elucidating their religious significance for women. In addition to recording new practices, the study documents two periods of accelerated change, in the early 1990s and from 2005 onwards. It suggests that Orthodox women may be divided into three permeable groups—haredi (ultra-Orthodox’), identitarian/traditionalist, and Modern Orthodox—and examines the worldviews and innovative techniques displayed by each group. Factors such as education, community pressure, and norms of the non-Jewish community combine with differing group outlooks to give a nuanced explanation of the rich variation within Orthodox women’s religious lives. The study provides a basis for cross-communal research into Jewish women’s spirituality and models the complex interplay and impact of social and personal factors on religious life.
Author(s): Law, Lisa
Date: 2003
Abstract: Much research recognises the clinical value of considering clients' cultural context. 'Cultural competence' may be considered the balance between sensitive practice and an awareness about particular cultural groups. 'Jewishness' is a powerful influence on the majority of Jewish people, regardless of religiosity. Jewishness incorporates more than Judaism, for example, it includes Jewish history, ethnicity and culture. This research aims to help therapists work with Jewish families by familiarising them with aspects of Jewishness, in order to gain insight to the 'lived experience' of contemporary, British, Jewish families, so as to consider the potential clinical implications of Jewishness and develop cultural competence. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with eight British-born, culturally, rather than religiously, Jewish mothers aged between 30 and 39. The interview transcripts were analysed using an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis methodology. Ten themes (^entity', Tradition and Culture', 'Characteristics', 'Family', 'Community', 'Continuity', 'Difference and Similarity', 'Fear', 'Feelings' and 'Services') were derived from the analysis and considered in terms of clinical implications. For example, the women spoke about a (sometimes) inexplicable 'bicultural' identity and the significant impact of Jewish history. These issues may inhibit Jewish clients from speaking about the relevance of their Jewishness with non-Jewish therapists. Suggestions were made for developing a Jewish cultural, historical and political perspective, so that beliefs, behaviours and characteristics are not misinterpreted and 'therapeutic safety' for Jewish clients is maximised. Other recommendations included using cultural consultants and adopting a systemic framework. Issues that may be particularly difficult for Jewish families were discussed and recommendations for future research made.
Date: 1975
Abstract: This report describes a study of the Jewish population of the London Borough of Hackney based on the 1971 Census. It was borne from the lack of an official religious or communal census, which has meant that until the present time, the Jewish demographic studies that have been undertaken in Britain were solely of a global nature. This produced results of vital statistics, as well as gross totals of Jews, but only from unofficial sources or by indirect methods. Most of these studies relied for their information on Jewish sources such as synagogue statistics, which were often inaccurate and out of date. The need for accurate statistics in order to plan amenities such as schools, youth clubs, old age homes, and other communal facilities is well known and appreciated, but no material has so far been produced that will shed any useful light on such problems. It was determined that at this stage it would be impossible to undertake our own survey of the Jewish population, either of the country or any large centre, so it was decided to concentrate our
efforts on a compact and accessible geographical area with a large number of Jews. Efforts were directed towards finding some way of using official statistics from the 1971 Census, in particular of the borough of Hackney.

The study has shown that the Jewish population of Hackney is a variegated and diverse group of people. However, most of them felt that they had some links or group identity in common, whether culturally or religiously-based, and they were certainly seen as a cohesive ethnic grouping by other Hackney residents. Many of the Adath-Orthodox are happy to remain distant from both the mainstream of Anglo-Jewish life and many facets of twentieth century urban civilization, but the poor and aged, like many other inner city dwellers, have a feeling that they are a forgotten people living in physical insecurity in a high crime area. It is hoped that this study will bring to the attention of the Jewish community and all our fellow British citizens, that there still exists, in the 1970s, a Jewish proletariat in the inner city whose needs must not be forgotten. With such knowledge we in Britain may learn from the mistakes of American society when dealing with the complex problems of poor multi-ethnic neighborhoods.
Author(s): Gonen, Amiram
Date: 2006
Abstract: Ultra-Orthodox or Haredi society in Israel is defined as a 'society of learners.' The pursuit of a full program of Torah studies at a Yeshiva followed by enrollment to a kollel, once the legacy of just a few hundred Haredi men, has become a widespread phenomenon. This has been made possible by the practice of draft deferment for yeshiva students, and the development of systems of financial support designed to sustain the families of kollel students (yeshiva students are single, kollel students are married). The result has been a steady growth in the rate of non-participation in the workforce for Haredi men.

By contrast, outside of Israel, in Western countries where there is no compulsory conscription, young Haredi men have the option of choosing the way they combine Torah study with earning a livelihood at any time in their life. Multiculturalism, which developed in Western cities mainly in the second half of the twentieth century, enabled various combinations of tradition and modernity among immigrant groups, including the Haredi one. In Israel, on the other hand, Haredi society entrenched itself in the stronghold of yeshivas and kollels and in so doing succeeded, almost completely, in disconnecting new generations of Haredi men from professional and academic studies―the foundation of higher scale income.

In order to predict trends in Israeli ultra-Orthodox society in the coming years, it is important to understand the conditions under which this society operates in other countries. In this study London's Stamford Hill cluster of largely Hassidic population, serves as a kind of 'laboratory' for examining patterns of how kollel students enter the work cycle in the absence of compulsory conscription. It might, therefore, serve as a means of comparison with the Haredi society in Israel. The study was based mainly on interviews and random conversations with leaders, activists, professionals, business people, and the 'man in the street'.

The main finding of this paper is the existence of a range of options for correlation between Torah learning and earning a livelihood. I have identified five functional types of young Haredi men, who characterize not only various kinds of Haredi men, but also various stages in a person's life related to the balance that can be maintained between learning and earning:
• The 'full-time learner' devotes all of his time to Torah study, relying on his parents and in-laws for sustenance, as well as on the welfare state allowances and the kollel stipends.
• The 'learner who earns a small amount' learns full-time in a kollel, but concurrently, tries to make a partial living. In this way he can somewhat rise above the financial hardship and assume his share in the duty to earn a living, which is also one of the norms of ultra-Orthodox society. This type of student pursues earning opportunities that fit in with his Torah study schedule: the breaks between lessons during the day (bein hasdarim), and the longer vacations during the year (bein hazmanim).
• The 'part-time learner’ commits himself to Torah studies only for part of the day. The remaining time is dedicated to paid activities, either as a teacher or in the realm of trade or services.
• The 'learning earner' has left the kollel and found his way into gainful employment while maintaining a regular regimen of Torah study based on the practice of 'setting a fixed time for Torah' (kove’a itim laTorah). Some learning earners (known as balebatim) learn with a hevruta (a study partner) at home or in a beit midrash (a designated 'House of Study'), before or after prayer times in the morning or evening. Some find time to learn for an hour or more during the day, near their workplace. The connection with Torah study is fastidiously maintained.
• The 'earner who learns a small amount' does not set times for studying Torah on a daily basis, but rather learns intermittently, on the Sabbath and holidays, or in family events.

It appears that Haredi society outside of Israel is able to maintain the dynamic balance between full-time study and earning an income because the quota in years for full-time kollel study is determined on an individual basis. Married Haredi men outside of Israel set for themselves a personal quota for years of full-time Torah study, beyond their bachelor years in yeshiva. After they have reached the decision that they have fulfilled the quota, they attempt the work cycle in different ways. The quota is not fixed and uniform. There are no official rules, nor is there anything but tacit rabbinic agreement on the matter. It appears that every married man is free to determine the level of quota for himself, social pressures and practices notwithstanding. A decision to terminate one's studies is based on existing conditions, which vary, both in terms of the willingness and ability of married men to continue in their studies, and in terms of their family's economic situation.

Among the Hasidic Haredi men, the period of full-time learning is usually shorter than among non-Hasidic groups ("Lithuanian" and "German" Haredi men). The Hasidic men are content with one to three years of Torah studies as married men in the kollel. In contrast, the non-Hasidic Haredi men assume quotas of three to five years, and sometimes more. This disparity in years is rooted in the different world views of these two groups regarding the religious and social importance of full-time Torah studies. As a result, Hasidic men are the first to enter the world of work. One might assume that if legislative changes regarding mandatory military service in Israel are to transpire, Hasidic men, more so than the Lithuanians, will rapidly abandon the status of married students and begin working. The Sephardic Haredi men are more enigmatic in this matter. On the one hand, in Sephardic Judaism there is a tradition of combining work with Torah study, as well as combining sacred with secular studies. On the other hand, they have been significantly influenced over the decades by the tradition of Lithuanian yeshivas.

Based on this study conducted in London, which sequels a previous study I conducted in the New York City area, it can be concluded that in recent years setbacks have curtailed the momentum of growth in the percentage of full-time learners in Haredi society. Of late, economic difficulties have jeopardized the continued generosity of the welfare state. In addition, consumer society has taken a stronger hold in the ultra-Orthodox public. Haredi society outside of Israel is adjusting itself to internal and external changes, and is also attentive to the stirring desires of its members. The overall impression from the available data on the Haredi community in London's Stamford Hill area and a number of other ultra-Orthodox communities outside of Israel, is one of a society seeking and finding realistic balances between Torah study and earning a living, in keeping with the changing financial and social circumstances. In its heyday of financial flourishing, this society expanded the component of full-time Torah-learners. In times of hardship it reduces this component, and it appears that it is doing so at present.

This study proposes that ultra-Orthodoxy in Western countries is not a 'society of learners,' as is the accepted definition of ultra-Orthodoxy in Israel. It is rather a 'society of learners and earners,' even in the most conservative parts of the Haredi population, such as the Stamford Hill community, where only a small proportion – approximately one-fifth – of married Haredi men devote themselves to full-time Torah studies in a kollel framework. Some two-thirds of these men are engaged, in different ways, in earning a living. Even among the kollel students themselves, there is a certain degree of involvement in earning a living, whether part-time or occasional. This is not the current situation in Haredi society in Israel, where about two thirds of the men do not work for a living. However, a close look at budding processes in recent years within Haredi society in Israel makes it possible to state that many Haredi men are ready to take the alternative path, in various levels of balance, of learning and earning. Based on these signs, it can be hypothesized that ultra-Orthodox society in Israel is beginning to move towards a new situation of a 'society of learners and earners,' in a manner similar to Haredi society in North America and Western Europe.
Author(s): Gold, Steven J.
Date: 2002
Date: 2007
Abstract: The Community Engagement Programme has been part of Department of Health (DH) and
National Institute for Mental Health England (NIMHE) scheme, administered by the University of
Central Lancashire (UCLAN) through its Centre for Ethnicity and Health. In this round the over
arching aims were governed by central government priorities of Delivering Race Equality (RRE), to
enable Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) community groups across the country to engage
community members (and not academics) in conducting their own research projects in relation to
mental health and race equality. As a direct result of this programme invaluable data, attitudes and
behaviours have been unearthed on the issue of mental health. Additionally in the process, many
"ordinary" community members have been given a unique opportunity to become part of the
academic world, learning about the planning, execution and actual research of the issues at hand
and some have also taken up the wonderful opportunity of qualifying in basic level research. In
respect of this report the BME was the Ultra Orthodox Jewish Community of Stamford Hill in North
London. The project was undertaken by Talking Matters, predominantly with its clients who use the
counselling and therapeutic services in its London office (there is also a Salford office). This was in
the heartland of the Chassidic community, reknown all over the world for its insular way of life,
even among other Orthodox Jewish Communities (OJC). Most of the OJC lives in the London
Borough of Hackney with about 10% in the south of Haringey.
Date: 2017
Date: 2005