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Date: 2019
Abstract: The Nazis and their cohorts stole mercilessly from the Jews of Europe. In the aftermath of the Holocaust, returning survivors had to navigate unclear and hostile legal paths to recover their stolen property from governments and neighbors who often had been complicit in their persecution and theft. While the return of Nazi-looted art and recent legal settlements involving dormant Swiss bank accounts, unpaid insurance policies and use of slave labor by German companies have been well-publicized, efforts by Holocaust survivors and heirs over the last 70 years to recover stolen land and buildings were forgotten. In 2009, 47 countries convened in Prague to deal with the lingering problem of restitution of prewar private, communal, and heirless property stolen during the Holocaust. The outcome was the Terezin Declaration on Holocaust Era Assets and Related Issues, aiming to “rectify the consequences” of the wrongful Nazi-era immovable property seizures. This book sets forth the legal history of Holocaust immovable property restitution in each of the Terezin Declaration signatory states. It also analyzes how each of the 47 countries has fulfilled the standards of the Guidelines and Best Practices of the Terezin Declaration. These standards were issued in 2010 in conjunction with the establishment of the European Shoah Legacy Institute (ESLI), a state-sponsored NGO created to monitor compliance. The book is based on the Holocaust (Shoah) Immovable Property Restitution Study commissioned by ESLI, written by the authors and issued in Brussels in 2017 before the European Parliament.
Date: 2021
Date: 2024
Abstract: The World Wide Web (WWW) and digitisation have become important sites and tools for the history of the Holocaust and its commemoration. Today, some memory institutions use the Internet at a high professional level as a venue for self-presentation and as a forum for the discussion of Holocaust-related topics for potentially international, transcultural and interdisciplinary user groups. At the same time, it is not always the established institutions that utilise the technical possibilities and potential of the Internet to the maximum. Creative and sometimes controversial new forms of storytelling of the Holocaust or more traditional ways of remembering the genocide presented in a new way with digital media often come from people or groups who are not in the realm of influence of the large memorial sites, museums and archives. Such "private" stagings have experienced a particular upswing since the boom of social media. This democratisation of Holocaust memory and history is crucial though it is as yet undecided how much it will ultimately reinforce old structures and cultural, regional or other inequalities or reinvent them.

The “Digital space” as an arbitrary and limitless archive for the mediation of the Holocaust spanning from Russia to Brazil is at the centre of the essays collected in this volume. This space is also considered as a forum for negotiation, a meeting place and a battleground for generations and stories and as such offers the opportunity to reconsider the transgenerational transmission of trauma, family histories and communication. Here it becomes evident: there are new societal intentions and decision-making structures that exceed the capabilities of traditional mass media and thrive on the participation of a broad public.
Date: 2025
Date: 2025
Date: 2025
Date: 2025
Abstract: This document is a consolidated summary of urgent policy priorities of the Jewish community, following the
antisemitic terrorist attack on the Heaton Park Hebrew Congregation on Yom Kippur (2 October 2025), the holiest day of the Jewish calendar. This attack was not just an attack on British Jews, but on British society and British values.

These priorities are based on consultations within and between leading community organisations, including the Board of Deputies, JLC, UJS, and CST, and reflect the focus of our engagement with government and others since the attack.

We have seen a series of welcome announcements from government in response, and we are actively seeking
further action and implementation across these priorities.

However, these measures on their own will not be sufficient to meet the long-term society-wide challenge of
confronting antisemitic hatred as it has manifested itself in recent years. What is needed is a Comprehensive Government Strategy on Antisemitism, and this paper reflects what that might encompass.

Building on existing initiatives, including the recent report of the Board of Deputies Commission on Antisemitism,
we will continue working with partners and experts, with government, and with all parts of our diverse community, to seek input on these priorities and to integrate them into a wider strategy that addresses the problem at its
deepest roots. This includes ensuring the relevance of these priorities for the whole of the UK, taking account of
administrative and legal variations in devolved nations and regions.
Author(s): Kahmann, Bodo
Date: 2017
Abstract: Since the turn of the millennium a growing number of European populist radical-right parties have taken to criticizing antisemitism and embracing Israel's cause in its conflict with the Palestinians. This development raises the question of whether, for the first time in European history, we are confronting radical-right politics that is not antisemitic. Kahmann’s article approaches this recent development on the extreme right-wing spectrum of European parties from an empirical perspective: he analyses the manner in which leading representatives of the Belgian Vlaams Belang (VB), the Sweden Democrats (SD) and the (now-defunct) German party Die Freiheit have articulated their anti-antisemitism and their solidarity with Israel, and the conclusions that are thereby suggested with regard to the underlying image of Jews and Israel. Kahmann's analysis shows that the pro-Israel and anti-antisemitic turn serves primarily as a pretext for fending off Muslim immigrants, which is claimed as a contribution to the security of the Jewish population. Furthermore, it shows that the right-wing ideal of an ethnically homogeneous nation results in the perception of Jews as members of a foreign nation and in the cultivation of stereotyped images of Jews. For these parties, the status of the Jewish population in the respective European states remains therefore precarious: Jews are merely granted the status of a tolerated minority as long as they are not considered to pose any threat to the ‘native’ culture. The conflict between Israelis and Palestinians serves in this context as a convenient screen on which to project the popular right-wing narrative of a battle between the Judaeo-Christian Occident and the Muslim world.
Author(s): Munzer, Stephen R.
Date: 2015
Abstract: After an appellate court made circumcision of minors effectively illegal in the absence of a medical justification, the German Parliament passed a statute that restored, with some limitations, the right of parents to seek ritual circumcisions for their sons. Between these events, a fierce controversy broke out in Germany involving Jews, Muslims, and other Germans. Whereas circumcision without medical indication is rare among most Germans, it is a common religious practice in Jewish and Muslim communities in Germany. The debate tapped into ongoing discussions of German cultural norms, German secularization, and a long history of antiSemitism and a much shorter history of anti-Muslim sentiment in Germany. It also tapped into the religious and traditional practices –
sometimes converging, sometimes diverging – of Jews and Muslims. This Article discusses the range of opinions on religious circumcision among Germans and other Europeans. It disentangles the social factors at work in the debate and analyzes the court decision and the new statute. It also examines some recent decisions under the new statute and explores problems with the statute’s application. Given that roughly 700 million boys worldwide have undergone ritual circumcision, the German controversy has global implications.
This Article shows that at day’s end, the debate turns on issues of toleration and multiculturalism. It is scarcely possible to resolve this debate without asking, “What is a child?” If a child is a proto-member of his parents’ religious community and has only a weak right to bodily integrity, or if the risk-benefit ratio favors circumcision and the parents have a broad scope of consent, then circumcision without medical indication might be legally and morally permissible. Parents might then have discretion to place on his body a permanent physical symbol of his expected or hoped for religious affiliation as an adult. Yet if a child has a strong right to bodily integrity, and circumcision is not medically indicated, then the permanent physical modification of his body with a symbol of Jewish or Muslim identity might be problematic, and circumcising him for aesthetic or other nonreligious reasons might likewise
be problematic.
Date: 2019
Author(s): Wodziński, Marcin
Date: 2012
Date: 2025
Abstract: La culture mémorielle de l’Europe de l’Est a subi une transformation radicale après l’effondrement du communisme, du fait de l’« américanisation » de la Shoah, c’est-à-dire, pour reprendre les termes de Winfried Fluck, spécialiste de la culture allemande, un processus de démocratisation consistant à éradiquer toute complexité afin de rendre accessibles à un vaste public des événements complexes. De nouveaux musées ont été créés pour réécrire l’histoire de la Seconde Guerre mondiale d’un point de vue anticommuniste. Le langage utilisé ne correspondait ni à la culture mémorielle nationale, ni à la conceptualisation religieuse de la Shoah, ni au contexte linguistique et culturel de la vie dans l’Allemagne nazie avant et pendant le conflit. Divers auteurs ont analysé le phénomène des pays européens qui n’opposèrent aucune résistance à l’hégémonie de l’Allemagne nazie et de son programme politique. Ceux-ci s’accordent à dire que l’analyse devrait dépasser le clivage bourreaux-spectateurs-victimes.Il existe une contradiction flagrante entre la terminologie employée par la muséologie antifasciste avant 1989 et celle qui est en cours dans les nouveaux musées construits dans les années 2000. L’idée d’une coexistence avec l’Allemagne nazie est une question idéologique et politique majeure, notamment, aujourd’hui, avec la mise en relief illibérale de zones d’ombre précédemment ignorées dans le discours muséologique. Le présent article soutient que le terme « collaboration » n’est pas un bon critère de mesure des phénomènes qui ont fait l’objet de travaux récents…

Date: 2020
Abstract: Although digitization has become a word that is almost synonymous with democratization and citizen participation, many museums and other cultural heritage institutions have found it difficult to live up to this political vision of inclusivity and access for all. In Sweden, political ambitions to digitize the cultural heritage sector are high. Yet, institutions still struggle to reconcile their previous practices with new technologies and ethical guidelines for collecting and curating material. In this article we identify, analyse, and try to find resolutions for the current gap that exists between cultural heritage practice and government policy on digitization, open access, and research ethics. By examining two Swedish examples of Holocaust collections that have not been digitized because of internal policies of secrecy and confidentiality, we attempt to demonstrate how discourses about vulnerability affect the ways in which certain archival practices resist policies of accessibility and ethical research. In order to unpack the discourses on vulnerability, Carol Bacchi’s post-structural approach to policy analysis has been used together with Judith Butler’s theories on vulnerability and resistance. In addition to understanding how cultural heritage institutions in Sweden have protected some of their collections and how this has obstructed efforts to make these collections more accessible, we also offer some suggestions on how these issues can be resolved by reimagining digitization as transformation.
Author(s): Marincea, Adina
Date: 2025
Author(s): Marincea, Adina
Date: 2022
Abstract: Romania has proved to be no outlier in the ongoing trend of mainstream-ization of far-right and neo-fascist politics and discourses, despite the optimistic outlook that many shared not long ago. AUR marked a historical success, being the first “radical return” political formation to gain seats in Parliament after 1989. As a result, a process of accelerated normalization of the far-right discourse is taking place, moving the political spectrum further to the (extreme) right, while also rehabilitating historical figures that played a significant role in the Holocaust. The present paper draws on Discourse Historical Analysis and concepts such as “calculated ambivalence” and “dog-whistle politics” to unpack the coded meanings and whistles entwined in the discursive provocations and reactions of AUR’s leader, George Simion. Starting from AUR’s press release from January 2022, minimizing the Holocaust, which set in motion the “right-wing populist perpetuum mobile”, I analyze the main discursive strategies, both confrontational and submissive, used by Simion in his effort to “dog-whistle” to AUR’s ultranationalist supporters, while at the same time denying allegations of antisemitism, Holocaust minimization, and fascist sympathies. For a qualitative measure of the success or failure of these strategies, a complementary critical analysis of the reactions of some of the most prominent antisemitic ultranationalist voices in Romania is carried out. Is Simion a skillful “dog-whistler” or a “traitor”? The study shows that there is a thin and fluid line between the two.
Date: 2025
Author(s): Pearlman, Yehuda J.
Date: 2025
Abstract: This project seeks to gain an understanding of what spirituality means from a Jewish perspective and how it can be incorporated into the educational provision of Jewish schools in the UK. The literature review explores the relationship between spirituality and religion in general. Two approaches to spirituality are identified, one which promotes the experiential and the other which encourages critical realism. It is suggested that relational consciousness could be used as an educational model to harmonise the two approaches. Sources within Jewish literature are then explored, uncovering similar approaches and concluding with the description of a Jewish model for spiritual learning. The merit of a qualitative study is justified as best suited to investigate the perceptions and attitudes of Jewish studies teachers towards Jewish spiritual education. Using semi-structured interviews, a purposive sample of nine Jewish studies primary school teachers are asked what spirituality means to them, how they attempt to incorporate it into their religious studies lessons and what the impact of teaching spiritually on their students is. The responses are analysed using the inductive approach of IPA to reveal four overarching themes. Three themes frame spiritual education as the development of relationships within pupils, between themselves and others, and themselves and God. The fourth category focuses on the pedagogy deployed by the teachers and the challenges they face in delivering spiritual education. The research highlights two approaches to spiritual education, with one group of teachers preferring an extrinsic approach, imbuing their lessons with meaning and purpose. The other group view spirituality as an intrinsic quality that when nurtured, brings to the fore creativity and individuality. The centrality of a philosophy of God’s immanence as a foundation for spiritual education is emphasised and a model which promotes dialogue, relationships and community is presented as one that could be implemented to deliver Jewish spiritual education.
Date: 2025
Abstract: While far-right organizations often differ in their specific agendas—shaped by the political and geographical contexts in which they operate—antisemitism and anti-Jewish sentiment remain recurring elements across most of them. The Finnish Blue and Black Movement (Fin. Sinimusta liike, SML) was initially founded as an organization, later registered as a political party, and subsequently had its party status revoked in April 2024. As of 2025, it is seeking re-registration as a political party. Despite its brief history, SML has provoked public discussion throughout its existence, particularly regarding its ideological foundations. This study aims to situate the Blue and Black Movement within its broader context and examine the antisemitic rhetoric present in the communications of SML and its representatives. The analysis was grounded in Ruth Wodak’s approach of defining and identifying antisemitic content through a discourse–historical approach (DHA). The material examined includes public speeches and online textual content—such as social media posts—produced by the Movement and its candidates for the 2023 Finnish parliamentary election and those who were considered as candidates at the 2024 European Parliament elections. The results of the analysis indicate that through a combination of ethnic exclusion, Holocaust distortion, conspiratorial narratives, the Blue and Black Movement articulates a contemporary form of antisemitism that draws on ideological continuities with historical fascist traditions.
Date: 2024