Abstract: This report from B’nai B’rith International, democ and the European Union of Jewish Students (EUJS) documents the surge of antisemitism on university campuses across Europe in the aftermath of the October 7, 2023 Hamas terrorist attack in Israel. Since then, Jewish students and faculty have faced harassment, intimidation and violence, creating a climate of fear and exclusion across campuses.
Universities that should safeguard open debate and diversity have instead seen antisemitic rhetoric, Holocaust distortion, glorification of Hamas and calls for “intifada.” Professors, radical student groups, and outside organizations have often fueled this atmosphere, while administrators too often failed to act.
Covering Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom, the report identifies repeated patterns: threats and assaults against Jewish students, antisemitic vandalism, incitement to violence, and weak or inconsistent institutional responses.
Topics: Jewish Identity, Jewish Involvment, Jewish Community, Main Topic: Identity and Community, Jewish Education, Jewish Schools, Youth Movements, Educational Tours, Family and Household, Age and Generational Issues, Denominations
Abstract: CST recorded 1,521 antisemitic incidents across the UK in the first half of 2025, the second-highest total ever reported to CST in the first six months of any year. This is a decrease of 25% from the 2,019 antisemitic incidents recorded by CST in the January- to-June period of 2024, which was the highest figure ever reported to CST for the first half of any year. CST recorded 965 incidents in the first six months of 2023, 823 from January to June 2022, and 1,371 in the first half of 2021.
The 1,521 anti-Jewish hate incidents recorded in the first six months of 2025 is a fall from the half-year record reported in 2024, but it is a significant total, fuelled by ongoing reactions to the conflict in the Middle East. It is 11% higher than the third- highest six-monthly figure of 1,371 incidents recorded in 2021, which itself was a result of antisemitic reactions to an escalation of conflict in the Middle East across May and June that year. Antisemitic incidents have been reported to CST at an increased rate since the Hamas terror attack in Israel on 7 October 2023. After an immediate and notable spike in anti-Jewish hate immediately following that date, observed before Israel had coordinated any large- scale on-the-ground military response in Gaza, incident levels eventually settled at a substantially higher average than prior to the attack.
In the six months leading up to 7 October 2023, CST recorded a monthly average of 161 antisemitic incidents per month. In the first six months of 2025, this monthly average stood at 254 incidents, a 58% increase from that earlier period. CST had only ever recorded monthly incident totals exceeding 200 on five occasions prior to October 2023, each correlating with past periods when Israel was at war.Since the 7 October attack, the only month in which CST logged an incident figure below 200 was December 2024. The current war in the Middle East has lasted the entirety of the period covered in this report and has continued to impact the volume and discourse of antisemitism reported to CST in the first six months of this year, as it has every month since October 2023.
Abstract: This autoethnographic study explores manifestations of antisemitism on a European university campus, focusing on personal experiences as an Israeli Jewish student at the University of Coimbra. Drawing from firsthand observations, documented incidents, and interactions with protesters, administrative officials, and peers, the research highlights how hate-laden stickers, verbal threats, and institutional inaction shape a hostile academic climate. By weaving together personal narrative and scholarly frameworks on hate speech, higher education policies, and antisemitism, the study reveals a troubling dissonance between the university’s stated commitment to inclusivity and its inadequate responses to overt acts of discrimination. Through detailed descriptions of unfolding events—from the initial appearance of incendiary slogans to meetings with administrators—the analysis illuminates how deeply entrenched biases can circumvent legal and procedural safeguards. In reflecting on emotional responses and the complexities of positionality, the autoethnographic lens underscores the human impact of hostile environments and the gaps in institutional support. The findings urge higher education stakeholders to reevaluate their protocols for handling hate speech and discrimination, calling for comprehensive measures that protect vulnerable groups and encourage critical engagement with contentious geopolitical issues. This work ultimately argues that acknowledging and actively combating antisemitism in academic settings is crucial for fostering genuine inclusivity and upholding the values of open, respectful scholarship.
Abstract: Antisemitismus ist eine historisch tief verankerte Form der Feindseligkeit gegenüber Jüdinnen und Juden, die aktuell wieder mit einer stark zunehmenden Gewaltbereitschaft einhergeht. Die erheblichen psychischen Auswirkungen von Antisemitismus sind vielfältig und werden durch wiederholte, häufig mehrdimensionale Diskriminierung und die besonderen Effekte der Hasskriminalität verschärft. Angststörungen, Depressionen und posttraumatische Belastungsstörungen sind Beispiele häufiger Folgen. Als Bewältigungsstrategien neigen viele Jüdinnen und Juden dazu, ihre jüdische Kultur zu verbergen, sich sozial zurückzuziehen oder ihre Identität aufzugeben, um nicht Opfer antisemitischer Vorfälle zu werden. Weil sie sich kontinuierlich mit Vorurteilen konfrontiert sehen, kann sich bei den Betroffenen sogar eine Perspektive der (Mit–)Schuld entwickeln – das Gefühl, selbst für die erfahrene Gewalt verantwortlich zu sein, was die Fähigkeit zur Bewältigung der erfahrenen Diskriminierungen zusätzlich erschwert. Ziel des Artikels ist es, einen Einblick in die Prävalenz und die weitreichenden individuellen Auswirkungen von Antisemitismus zu geben und damit zu verdeutlichen, welche Relevanz Antisemitismus in der Gesellschaft hat.
Abstract: The existing and rising anti-Semitism is a risk factor for the mental health of Jewish people worldwide. This study examines possible associations between anti-Semitism and mental health in offspring/children (OHS) and grandchildren (GHS) of Holocaust survivors through cross-country comparisons. A total of n = 248 OHS and n = 240 GHS from Israel, Germany, and the US completed a cross-sectional online survey on experiences of anti-Semitism, psychological distress, and posttraumatic stress symptoms, offered in English, German, and Hebrew. Psychological distress was significantly higher among participants from Germany vs. Israel and the US. Significant differences in experiences of anti-Semitism were found between the generations, with higher rates in GHS. Experiences of anti-Semitism were found to be associated with a higher risk for psychological distress and probable posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The study emphasises the severe psychological stress being associated with experiences of anti-Semitism among OHS and GHS across different countries of origin. Given the rise in anti-Semitism since October 7, 2023 onwards, the findings are a warning and a clear impetus for political authorities as well as civil society to strengthen efforts for better healthcare and protecting Jewish life worldwide.
Topics: Antisemitism, Main Topic: Antisemitism, Law, Policy, European Union, Antisemitism: Education against, Holocaust Commemoration, Holocaust Education, Hate crime, Jewish Heritage, Jewish Culture
Topics: Antisemitism, Main Topic: Antisemitism, Law, Policy, European Union, Antisemitism: Education against, Holocaust Commemoration, Holocaust Education, Hate crime, Jewish Heritage, Jewish Culture
Abstract: In this report, we have studied different facets of antisemitism on non-password protected social media outlets with user-generated content. Our results show that antisemitic content exists on all social media platforms. However, the amount of antisemitic content seems to vary with the degree of moderation on each platform. Since 2017, discussions about the ZOG conspiracy narrative have increased, while the Covid-19 pandemic has given rise to new antisemitic conspiracy theories. Conspiracy narratives are closely related to antisemitic stereotypes, which were found in 25% of posts mentioning Jews or Jewishness. The most common stereotypes being that Jews are powerful, deceptive, and manipulative. In our study, almost 35% of all posts mentioning Jews or Jewishness expressed negativity toward Jews. These posts were found mainly on minimally moderated platforms. Jews are also one of the groups that are targeted by toxic language online. Over 4,000 occurrences of explicit Holocaust denial terminology were found during a three-month period. National legislation is difficult to apply to the global internet. A joint effort by governments and platform companies is important to develop techniques that keeps antisemitic content from the internet, while education is necessary to prevent antisemitism before it goes online
Abstract: Since long before the October 7 attacks, Jewish communities in Europe have experienced growing hate, harassment and hostility on social media. This policy paper articulates the key challenges of online antisemitism, and provides comprehensive and practical policy steps which governments, platforms, regulators and civil society organisations can take to address them. Built through 42 interviews with Jewish organisations and experts in antisemitism and digital policy from across CCOA’s five geographies (France, Germany, Italy, Poland and Sweden), it collates local experiences and channels them into a cohesive pan-European strategy, uniting communities and sectors in joint responses.
Interviewees identified five central challenges with online antisemitism:
Jewish communities and organisations across the five geographies report the significant behavioural, social and psychological impacts of online antisemitism, which have created a chilling effect on participation in public life.
Concerns exist not just over fringe violent extremist content, but the prevailing normalisation of mainstream antisemitism and a permissive culture which facilitates its spread across all areas of society.
There are a wide range of social media platforms in the social media ecosystem each adopting distinctive approaches and standards to content moderation, however the widespread accessibility of antisemitism suggest that significant barriers remain to the effective implementation of Terms of Service, and that many platforms are failing in this regard.
There is limited awareness and understanding of the Digital Services Act (DSA) in Jewish civil society, little capacity to implement it, and a lack of confidence in its efficacy in addressing antisemitism.
Law enforcement has lacked both the capacity and legislative tools to effectively respond to the scale of illegal activity on social media.
Mainstreaming Digital Human Rights
This policy paper presents policy recommendations for Governments, Tech Platforms, Digital Regulators, and Civil Society. These approaches constitute a collective pathway, but may be diversely applicable across different geographies, communities and jurisdictions.
Topics: Jewish Identity, Jewish Community, Denominations, Main Topic: Identity and Community, Jewish History, Reform/Liberal/Progressive Judaism, Conservative / Masorti Judaism, Orthodox Judaism, Chabad-Lubavitch, Haredi / Strictly Orthodox Jews, Israel-Diaspora Relations
Abstract: This chapter analyzes developments that profoundly transformed French Judaism over decades. The former paradigm of French Judaism, dating back to the nineteenth century, was of Judaism united and unified under the auspices of the Consistory, the central religious institution Napoleon created. In this model of "Israelitism," the symbiosis between Jewish and French affiliations was based on Judaism as a faith and French citizenship. International links were established towards the end of the 19th century, notably through the Alliance israélite universelle and intellectuals supporting the Zionist project, but it was the post-1945 world that witnessed a gradual departure from this confessional model. A new Franco-Judaism emerged in the 1970s-1980s, combining Jewish and French identities in new ways: solidarity with Israel, an attachment to diasporic Jewish cultures, an increasingly public affirmation of Jewishness, and advocacy against forms of Holocaust denial. It marked a definitive rupture with the older paradigm of Israelitism. This chapter also focuses on the development of religious pluralism and the increasing internationalization of French Judaism. It examines the four branches of French Jewish Orthodoxy (ultra-Orthodoxy, Chabad, Religious Zionism, and Modern Orthodoxy), as well as the more liberal Reform and Massorti movements. It provides a broad overview of the environments and actors constituting this reconfiguration of a new French Judaism, henceforth anchored in pluralism and internationalization.
Abstract: Communicative misunderstandings, cultural misinterpretations, and tribal hatreds are not phenomena that emerge and develop only in the digital world. Within platforms, conflicts explode and circulate mainly in crisis situations, but the relationship (constructive or destructive) with the similar and the different, as well as the narration of the symbolic meanings of specific cultural events, originate first and foremost in interpersonal relationships, institutional political contexts, and the representations (and consumption) of traditional media, such as the television space. Italian television is still one of the reference means of communication for the majority of the population, a figure that has been recorded especially during the recent pandemic emergency despite the significant collapse in advertising investments. Hatred, especially anti-Semitic hatred, is increasingly present in the information ecology, linked to nationalist narratives or aimed at restoring traditional values and fuelling an already highly polarised political debate in a now “dense” public sphere. In particular, during the health crisis, television journalists found it very difficult to report in depth on cases of discrimination or COVID-19.
Abstract: The notion of “Holocaust restitution” most often evokes associations with the process of financial repatriation, reversing the confiscation of priceless artworks from Jewish families, or amending the seizure of property or furniture from non-Jewish neighbours. Whilst each respective country sets their own rules or guidance of how to address this, the rules are much less clear for the returning of property robbed from the victims and later unearthed from the ground, and more specifically as a result of archaeological excavations. As such, there has been almost no scholarly research into the many ethical issues that this raises for relevant stakeholders (institutions, archaeologists, and relatives) involved in the discovery of biographical objects of murdered Holocaust victims. My ongoing research, therefore, seeks to address the deeply sensitive issue of memory ownership and material culture in such instances. My work introduces the term “forensic restitution” as a potential solution to this issue, whereby cultural objects uncovered through excavations are returned to an individual or community, rather than belonging to a nation state (Wilson 2024, p. 97).
Abstract: During World War II, Bosnia and Hercegovina was occupied by the Ustashe-led Independent State of Croatia, a Nazi collaborator par excellence. Ustashe, mostly Croats, Muslims-Bosniaks, and domestic Germans, overwhelmingly participated in the annihilation of more than 85 % of the Bosnian Jewish population during the Shoah. Beside the physical destruction of the community, these Nazi collaborators plundered Jewish assets in an estimated value of over one billion US dollars and robbed priceless cultural artifacts along with the communal archives. While witness accounts agree that looting of most movable property (books, artwork, and other valuables) was carried out in the first days of occupation by the Nazis themselves, the robbery of Jewish property (apartments, houses, businesses) as well as torture and killings of domestic Jews was committed by the Ustashe. What complicates the restitution in this country is the state and memory politics, but also the inexistence of a central registry of stolen items that could be claimed. Moreover, it is of the essence that the GLAM institutions (galleries, libraries, archives, and museums) within Bosnia and the former Yugoslavia region engage in conducting detailed provenance research of their respective collections.
Abstract: This thesis looks into representations of Palestinian and Israeli-Jewish non-elite civilians in the liberal press
in Britain, namely the Guardian and the Independent newspapers. The period examined in the research
follows the al-Aqsa Intifadah (since September 2000) and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 2000s (2000-
2010). The research findings look specifically into the coverage of the peace months of July and December
2000. The primary proposition of the thesis follows the burgeoning literature regarding the parallel,
centuries-old histories of the Arab, Jew and the Idea-of-Europe in tandem, in one breath as it may (e.g.,
Anidjar, 2003, 2007; Kalmar and Penslar, 2005; Boyarin, 2009). This theorisation finds the Arab and Jew
as two formational Others to the Idea-of-Europe, with the Jew imagined as the religious and internal enemy
to Europe and the Arab as the political and external enemy (Anidjar, 2003). This research enquires how
liberal-left forms of racialisations (not only extreme right racialisations) towards the Arab and Jew are
contingent upon these centuries-old images and imaginaires, even during moments of peacemaking (not
only times of heightened violence). The main hypothesis of the research is that in the mediated, Manichean
packaging of the Arab-Israeli conflict in both newspapers the Palestinian and Israeli-Jew are reduced to
two sediment polarized identities where no Palestinian exists outside the articulation of being oppositional
to the Israeli-Jew through difference marked by violence, and vice versa. Critical Solidarity is proposed as
a mode of Peace Journalism (e.g., Galtung, 2000; Lynch and McGoldrick, 2005; Kempf, 2007) which hopes
to address concerns at the intersection of news reporting about the conflict and race.
Abstract: The paper is devoted to the presentation of the results of a research survey, the aim of which was to find out the opinions of teachers who were professionally working at the first level of primary schools at the time of the quantitative research survey. A total of 319 primary school first cycle teacher education students, 300 females and 19 males, participated in the study at different stage I of their studies. A certain limit to the inclusion of these events in teaching at all levels of institutional education, from our point of view, is the concern of educators about the reaction of the pupils’ legal representatives. We are convinced that, with appropriately chosen methods and forms of teaching, the Shoah can be implemented in the teaching of the first level of primary schools through methods that lead to the de-abstraction of this phenomenon. In most cases in favor of integrating the Shoah phenomenon into teaching at the first level of primary schools, especially through authentic artistic creations of children.
IMPACT STATEMENT
The paper is devoted to the presentation of the results of a research investigation conducted among 319 students of teaching for the first stage of primary schools. The evaluation of the questionnaires shows that most issues are included in the eighth grade of primary school, in the subject of History, which is predestined by its content to integrate events anchored in history. The subjects of Civic Education and Czech Language and Literature also scored significantly. Positive responses were received, while Education in European and Global Contexts, Education for Democratic Citizenship and Multicultural Education were among the cross-cutting themes.
Abstract: Holocaust heritage across Europe is held to high standards of conservation, management, interpretation, and use, due to the belief that all such sites should be retained as or turned into places of memorialization as their primary function. This paper proposes that a pragmatic approach instead be taken towards Holocaust heritage in the twenty-first century and beyond. In acknowledgement that heritage practitioners today are not safeguarding this as a “found” heritage resource in 1945, but in the present day, it is argued that it is inevitable and perhaps unavoidable to make pragmatic decisions which take into account changes to such sites over the last 80 years. Site managers and other stakeholders are not in a position to make decisions based on a clean slate, devoid of post-war events and uses. Drawing on case studies from Serbia and Czechia, and adopting a three-pronged model of “heritage pragmatics,” this paper argues that our choices today should reflect and acknowledge past uses and aim towards more pragmatic solutions, letting go of idealistic aspirations more suitable for sites without a long history of reuse.
Abstract: In the aftermath of the October 7, 2023 attacks, reports of anti-Israel expressions at German universities have raised questions about the prevalence and nature of such sentiments in academic environments. Traditional survey-based research on antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment is often limited by response biases and social desirability bias. This study introduces a novel field-experimental approach to measuring anti-Israel sentiment in a real-world university setting. Using event history analysis, it examines the removal probability of stickers of the Israeli flag compared to German, US, Palestinian, and rainbow flags at a German university. Over a 24-week period, 600 stickers were placed on 50 public notice boards and were monitored for 14-day cycles. The results provide strong evidence of anti-Israel sentiment. The Israeli flag had the highest removal rate, with only 47.5% of the flags remaining at the end of the observation period—significantly lower than the survival rates of the other flags (which range from 68% to 80%). Cox regression analysis confirms that Israeli flags faced the highest removal hazard, being 3.3 to 3.7-times more likely to be removed than the rainbow flag and nearly twice as likely as the German flag. Politically motivated removals, though less frequent, disproportionately targeted Israeli flags as well. Removal rates were highest in hallways of the humanities, shared humanities/social sciences as well as in central facilities hallways. Hallways in the natural sciences, the human- and social sciences and economics had lower removal rates. Areas with higher student traffic exhibited fewer removals. Overall, the findings indicate a pronounced anti-Israel bias on campus, distinct from attitudes toward other nationalities or symbols.
Abstract: This study examines the extent of antisemitic bias in German higher education through a survey experiment conducted among students (N=1,416) at an average-sized German university in the fall of 2024/2025. Using a between-subjects design, participants were randomly assigned to evaluate English academic writing courses taught by fictitious instructors whose profiles varied by gender and ethnic/religious background—categorized as German, Israeli, and Jewish. Instructors were rated on sympathy and competence using a 7-point scale. While no significant differences emerged for competence ratings, results reveal notable bias in sympathy ratings: instructors identified as Jewish, particularly male Jewish instructors, received significantly lower ratings compared to their German counterparts. Instructors from Israel without a visible Jewish symbol were not rated significantly differently. There was also a gender bias, as female instructors with a German profile were rated less favorably than male instructors. Interestingly, the anti-Jewish bias was predominantly driven by female student raters, whereas male students primarily exhibited gender bias without significant antisemitic tendencies. These findings suggest that antisemitic motives, rather than anti-Israel sentiment, underlie the negative evaluations observed in this academic setting, and highlight the complex interplay between ethnic/religious prejudice and gender bias.
