Abstract: Transnistria, meaning “beyond the Dniester”, was an artificial geographic term created during the Second World War, referring to a region in the Ukraine that was situated between the Dniester River on the west and the Bug River on the east, also extending southward to the Black Sea. During October and November 1941, thousands of terrorized Jews, mostly without food and water, were deported on foot or by wagon to Transnistria. Depending on whose numbers one uses, between 120,000 and 180,000 Jews were deported to Transnistria from Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina. Of this group, only 50,000 would survive the war.
For years, the fate of the Jews in Transnistria was not emphasized in Holocaust remembrance, education, or commemoration. The reasons for this were manifold. They included problems of documentation; attitudes of Eastern European governments until the transition of the 1990s; priorities of major Holocaust memorial organizations until that transition; activities, primarily internally focused, of the survivor organizations from Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Transnistria; and, finally, the dynamics among Jewish survivors from Romania as they reassembled their lives in the first postwar decades. All this contributed to Transnistria becoming “the forgotten Holocaust”.
As the last Jewish survivors of the Transnistrian ghettos and camps reached their eighth and ninth decades at the beginning of the 21st century, various political, social, educational, and demographic factors coalesced, changing pre-existing dynamics regarding the memory of Transnistria. In this chapter, I focus on these factors, showing how and why this “forgotten Holocaust” is slowly being remembered again.
Abstract: Public engagement with the Holocaust in Romania has developed slowly and unevenly, shaped by decades of political constraint and institutional silence. Until 1989, restricted archival access and an antifascist ideological framework marginalized the specificity of Jewish persecution, subsuming it under a generalized narrative of “victims of fascism”. A substantive public acknowledgment of Romania’s responsibility emerged only in 2004, with the adoption of the Final Report of the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania. This belated recognition profoundly influenced the spatial articulation of memory in Bucharest.
The chapter examines the fragmented mnemonic landscape of the city through a theoretical distinction between imprints and places. Imprints are material interventions – monuments, plaques, museums – that inscribe historical facts into public space. While essential for visibility and moral acknowledgment, they operate largely as static markers. Places, by contrast, are urban sites whose latent memory is reactivated through collective engagement. Rather than merely preserving the past, they generate memory through interaction, interpretation, and embodied experience.
Through case studies – including Giurgiului Cemetery, the Bucharest Holocaust Memorial (2009), and the Memorial to the Martyrs of the Bucharest Pogrom (2016) – the chapter traces the transition from enclosed, community-bound remembrance to civic visibility. It then analyzes the pedagogical project PLACES (2021), developed with architecture students, which reconstructed the prewar addresses of the 125 pogrom victims and reinscribed them into the contemporary city through mapping, archival research, and digital interfaces.
By shifting attention from sites of death to spaces of everyday life, PLACES exemplifies a performative model of remembrance grounded in secondary witnessing. The study argues that, in the absence of living testimony, urban space itself becomes a medium of memory – capable not only of conserving history but of ethically reactivating it within the present.
Abstract: Der Kampf gegen Antisemitismus in Berlin hat einen blinden Fleck: Er denkt international geprägte Szenen, die sich zum Teil als queer definieren oder mit queeren Szenen überlappen, nicht mit. Das ist nicht neu, aber es wird seit dem 7. Oktober 2023 immer deutlicher sichtbar. Queers mobilisieren zu israelfeindlichen Demos, es kommt zu Übergriffen auf Jüdinnen*Juden. Wer Teil der Szene sein will, muss sich antizionistisch positionieren.
Dieses Dossier soll einen Eindruck des Ist-Zustands in Hinblick auf Antisemitismus in Teilen der queeren Community Berlins vermitteln. Dabei handelt es sich um ein Schlaglicht, ohne Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit: Längst nicht alle Auseinandersetzungen, die in den vielen unterschiedlichen queeren Szenen und Orten geführt werden, können hier abgebildet werden. Das Dossier wird Grundlagen der kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit Antisemitismus und israelbezogenem Antisemitismus erläutern. Homonationalismus und Pinkwashing sind zwei miteinander verbundene Begriffe der Queer-Theorie, die kritisch eingeordnet werden, weil sie zentral für den Blick unterschiedlicher queerer Szenen auf den Israel-Palästina-Konflikt, den sogenannten Nahostkonflikt, sind. Es zeichnet nach, wie sich antisemitismus in den letzten Jahren in queeren Szenen gezeigt und was sich seit dem 7. Oktober 2023 verändert hat.
Welche Verbindungen dabei bestehen und wie die Szenen und Akteure aufgestellt sind, zeigen zwei Exkurse: einer zur BDS-Kampagne und ihrer Rolle als aktuell dominierende Form des Antisemitismus — und einer zur Clubkultur, als bedeutender Ort der Austragung. Wie Antisemitismus in queeren Szenen aussehen kann, belegen Zitate aus Interviews, die für diesen Text geführt wurden: mit Queers, Bündnissen und Verbänden.
Abstract: This open access book explores the resilience of Jewish civil society organizing in Ukraine during the tumultuous early months of the 2022 Russian full-scale invasion. Developed in collaboration with Paideia - the European Institute for Jewish Studies in Sweden, the research chronicles a project that involved Ukrainian Jewish communities during wartime through Paideia’s alumni network. Drawing on rich empirical data, the authors examine the multifaceted work of Jewish organizations and organizing efforts, from sustaining rituals to engaging in humanitarian work. The book examines single case studies and broader cross-organizational analyses, shedding light on the capacity of Jewish groups to repurpose activities, pivot from serving specific communities to addressing broader societal needs, and mobilize resources under extreme conditions. This resilience, the authors argue, is shaped by a complex interplay of factors: pre-existing organizational structures, transnational networks, and the fusion of symbolic and material institutional elements rooted in the Ukrainian-Jewish experience. By situating these efforts within a wider context, the book uses different streams of organization studies to provide an in-depth analysis of resilient civil society organizing during wartime. Aimed at organization scholars, civil society researchers, activists, and those interested in Jewish culture and Ukrainian history, this book offers critical insights into the possibility of civil society resilience in the face of war.
Abstract: Diaspora organizations can be seen as spaces where national identities are negotiated, expanded, and contested, and as transnational sites where organizational members hold overlapping and multiple frames of belonging and loyalty. This framing suggests the potential to extend diversity debates beyond the us/them binary logic of the nation-state. This qualitative study explores representations of Israel-Palestine in Jewish organizations in the UK, that broadly identify with a liberal Zionist orientation. It examines how nationhood and attachment to “homeland” are constructed, negotiated, and managed in everyday organizational life, with particular attention to moments of ambiguity and dissent. It shows how, as employees navigate diasporic ambivalence, diversity and inclusion discourses work to shape and often limit political-ideological differences. It contributes to diversity and organization studies by conceptualizing nationhood and homeland attachment as DEI questions and by advancing a diaspora organizational lens on how nationalism and belonging are negotiated in workplaces. It also highlights the ambivalent role of communities in DEI work, showing how community engagement can operate both as a source of ethical grounding and as a gatekeeping mechanism that constrains organizational capacity to accommodate difference.
Abstract: This paper examines the adaptation and proliferation of antisemitic narratives on Telegram during the Russian-Ukrainian war, tracing their evolution from historical myths to digital propaganda. Through a qualitative analysis of Telegram channels in Russian and Ukrainian, we explore how classical antisemitic tropes such as conspiracy theories about Jewish global control, Holocaust denial, and accusations of dual loyalty are repurposed to shift blame for the war onto Jews. Our findings reveal a multilayered process of blame-shifting operating across historical, social, national, and global levels, positioning Jews as instigators of conflict to deflect civic and political responsibility from Russians and Ukrainians. We argue that this antisemitic rhetoric serves as a tool of social manipulation and political deflection, embedded in diverse nationalist and conspiratorial digital environments. By embedding these narratives within Telegram’s unregulated and virally oriented ecosystem, content creators amplify prejudice, erode social cohesion, and perpetuate cycles of mistrust and scapegoating. This study highlights the enduring power of antisemitic myths in contemporary digital conflict narratives and calls for further research into the structural mechanisms enabling their spread.
Abstract: Antisemitism, understood as a particular manifestation of racism directed against a collectivity defined by religion, ethnicity, or a combination of both, constitutes a form of social exclusion. Such exclusion operates through formal and informal mechanisms that separate members of the targeted group from full participation in various spheres of social life. It may manifest as an outright prohibition from entering specific social circles or events, or as a conditional and restricted form of participation-one permitted only under special, typically unfavorable, terms. In both situations, inclusion is perceived as improper or undesirable, and when it occurs, it is often subject to heightened scrutiny or control. As with other forms of racism, antisemitism may persist within a society irrespective of the presence or absence of legislation explicitly supporting it. Moreover, antisemitism can remain operative even in contexts where laws formally prohibit ethnic or religious discrimination. This is possible because exclusion and discrimination may assume subtle or covert forms, legitimized through the selective or manipulative use of legal provisions that allow for differential treatment on ostensibly neutral grounds. The capacity of antisemitism to hide behind seemingly unrelated attitudes or arguments -masking negative sentiment toward Jews as a collectivity- raises fundamental questions about how the term “antisemitism” should be defined and what indicators are necessary for its identification and systematic analysis. This paper discusses the controversy surrounding competing definitions of antisemitism as it emerged before and after the recent Israel-Palestinian conflict, where legitimate political critique of the State of Israel is at times intertwined with antisemitic discourse disguised as purely political disapproval of Israeli policies or leadership.
Abstract: Значимость темы данного исследования заключается в том, что с момента создания Еврейской автономной области на ее территории успешно работали различные еврейские национальные коллективы. Однако в силу политических и экономических причин они прекратили свое существование в 1990-е годы. В рамках реализации «Стратегии культурной политики РФ» в 2000-е годы идея возрождения еврейского театрального искусства в Еврейской автономной области приобрела актуальный характер. Однако реализация этой идеи имела определенные сложности, на которых и останавливается автор статьи. Целью работы стал анализ имеющегося опыта возрождения еврейского театрального искусства на территории Еврейской автономной области посредством изучения творческой деятельности театра «Когалет». Предметом исследования стал еврейский театр, существовавший на территории ЕАО на протяжении XX века, а предметом попытки его возрождения в XXI веке. Автор статьи останавливается на процессах появления в регионе еврейских театральных коллективов в ХХ веке, говорит о важной роли их в процессе формирование социокультурного пространства дальневосточного региона. В результате, используя системный метод, автор провел не просто анализ материалов газеты «Биробиджанская звезда», но и выделил ряд проблем по вопросам возможного возрождения еврейского театра на территории ЕАО. Ведь значение еврейской культуры в национальной автономной области является главным фактором сохранение этого субъекта в федеративном устройстве России. В тоже время проблема заваленной темы состоит в самом существовании ЕАО, где евреи не являются титульной нацией, как следствие возникает вопрос о необходимости создании еврейских театров в современных условиях.
Abstract: A new national study has revealed that, while Portugal maintains high levels of religious tolerance and broadly positive perceptions of the Jewish community, a profound lack of knowledge, persistent stereotypes, and growing international polarisation may create conditions conducive to the future rise of antisemitism if not addressed through education and public awareness.
The study, “Social Distance and Tolerance in Portugal: the place of the Jewish Community – conceptual literacy, antisemitism, religious tolerance and comparison with other social groups in Portugal”, was conducted by Pitagórica at the request of the Jewish Community of Lisbon (Comunidade Israelita de Lisboa, CIL). It surveyed a representative sample of 1,200 residents in mainland Portugal and the Autonomous Regions, aged 18 and over.
The research shows that Portuguese society remains broadly open and tolerant:
68% of respondents feel comfortable living with people of different cultures or religions.
92% support cultural and religious diversity, provided fundamental national values are respected.
94% defend freedom of religious practice for all faiths in compliance with Portuguese law.
The Jewish community is among the most positively perceived groups in the study. Nearly half of respondents consider its contribution to Portugal to be positive, and only 4% identify Jews as one of the most discriminated communities in the country.
However, the study highlights a striking paradox: strong acceptance coexists with very limited knowledge. Only 3% of respondents say they know the Jewish community well, while 75% admit to knowing little or nothing about it.
The findings point to significant gaps in conceptual and historical literacy:
19% have never heard of the term antisemitism, and only 40% correctly define it.
40% are unfamiliar with the term Zionism.
55% believe Holocaust education in schools is insufficient.
The study also identifies the persistence of stereotypes, with around 40% agreeing with statements suggesting that Jews have “too much economic power” or “excessive influence in politics and international media”.
While 59% of respondents say it is important to distinguish between Jews in Portugal and the State of Israel, almost half (49%) believe that events in Israel negatively affect the image of Jews more broadly. At the same time, 80% reject the idea that Jews outside Israel should be held responsible for the actions of the Israeli government.
The digital sphere emerges as a key area of concern:
52% believe the Jewish community is targeted by online hate speech.
37% report perceptions of vandalism against property.
30% mention physical attacks.
The study also finds that 52% of respondents consider online hate speech against the Jewish community likely to increase, while 34% anticipate further vandalism and 31% foresee potential physical attacks in the future. The main drivers identified are hate speech on social media (46%) and religious extremism (35%).
A further significant finding is that 67% of respondents are unaware that Lisbon’s synagogue currently requires permanent police protection.
Awareness of institutional frameworks is extremely limited:
90% are unaware of the European Strategy to Combat Antisemitism and Foster Jewish Life.
99% do not know the national coordinator of the strategy.
75% are unaware of which government ministry is responsible for the file.
According to the authors, the data suggest that Portugal does not exhibit signs of structural rejection of the Jewish community. On the contrary, attitudes are generally positive and levels of declared tolerance remain high.
However, this positive baseline is accompanied by three interlinked vulnerabilities: widespread ignorance about Jewish life in Portugal, the influence of international conflicts on perceptions of Jews, and the persistence of stereotypes in digital spaces.
As a result, perception tends to be shaped less by direct social contact and more by abstract associations and online narratives.
According to David Joffe Botelho, President of the Board of Directors of the Jewish
Community of Lisbon, “the objective of this independent study was to produce a robust and
comparable diagnosis of the place of the Jewish community in Portuguese society,
identifying protective factors, vulnerabilities and trends relevant to the development of
education, communication and prejudice prevention strategies,” since, adds the leader,
“Portuguese political leaders have not given due attention to this issue, and the urgent
adoption of a national strategy, aligned with the European strategy, is necessary to combat
antisemitism and promote Jewish life.”
Additionally, he also states, “our goal was to have a comparative portrait with other social
and religious realities, so the study, beyond the specific dimension related to antisemitism,
can be used by those in government to design and implement public policies based on
concrete and measurable data and not on mere perceptions.”
The study concludes that the principal challenge in Portugal is not widespread rejection of the Jewish community, but rather the combination of low levels of knowledge, limited direct contact, and exposure to polarised global narratives.
In a context where 72% of respondents believe tensions between social and cultural groups have increased in recent years, the report warns that these conditions, if left unaddressed, may gradually create an environment more susceptible to antisemitic attitudes.
It therefore calls for strengthened educational initiatives, improved Holocaust and religious literacy in schools, and closer alignment with European strategies aimed at combating antisemitism and promoting Jewish life.
Source : European Jewish congress
Abstract: Nach 2023 und 2024 hat der Zentralrat der Juden in Deutschland am 1. Mai 2026 zum dritten Mal ein Lagebild der Jüdischen Gemeinden in Deutschland herausgegeben. Das Lagebild basiert auf der Befragung der Führungspersönlichkeiten von 102 Jüdischen Gemeinden und Landesverbänden und hat damit einen repräsentativen Charakter.
Gut zweieinhalb Jahre nach dem Hamas-Massaker vom 7. Oktober in Israel ist der Ausnahmezustand für Jüdinnen und Juden in Deutschland zu einem bedrückenden Dauer-Krisenzustand geworden. „Nach dem explosionsartigen Anstieg des Antisemitismus in Folge des 7. Oktober hat sich eine ‚neue Normalität‘ herausgebildet”, konstatiert Dr. Josef Schuster, Präsident des Zentralrats der Juden in Deutschland. „Eine Lage, in der Jüdische Gemeinden permanent geschützt werden müssen und der Antisemitismus als Teil des öffentlichen Raums eine Normalisierung erfahren hat. Diese Zustände sind unhaltbar.“
Zwei Entwicklungen stechen im Lagebild besonders alarmierend hervor: der drastische Rückgang der gesellschaftlichen Solidarität und die Verdrängung jüdischen Lebens aus der Öffentlichkeit.
Nahmen im Jahr 2023 noch 62 Prozent der Gemeinden eine Solidarität aus der Zivilgesellschaft wahr, ist dieser Wert auf erschütternde 35 Prozent abgefallen. Fühlten sich die Gemeinden anfangs noch von der Mitte der Gesellschaft getragen, sehen sie sich nun zunehmend im Stich gelassen, während Judenhass, oft getarnt als vermeintlich legitime „Israelkritik“, tief in der bürgerlichen Mitte Anschluss findet. Gerade dort, wo jetzt Zivilcourage nötig wäre, verzeichnet das Lagebild der Jüdischen Gemeinden in Deutschland einen massiven Rückgang der gesellschaftlichen Unterstützung.
Die alltägliche Bedrohung führt dazu, dass 68 Prozent der jüdischen Gemeinschaft das Leben in Deutschland verglichen mit der Zeit vor dem 7. Oktober 2023 als unsicherer wahrnehmen. Um sich zu schützen, ziehen sich Jüdinnen und Juden zunehmend aus dem öffentlichen Raum zurück, verheimlichen ihre Identität und verzichten auf das offene Tragen von Symbolen wie dem Davidstern oder der Kippa. Dies betrifft insbesondere Kinder und Jugendliche. In den vergangenen zwölf Monaten mussten zudem 21 Prozent der Gemeinden Veranstaltungen aus Sicherheitsgründen absagen.
Der Waffenstillstand in Gaza brachte für zwei Drittel der Befragten (66 Prozent) keine spürbare Erleichterung der Sicherheitslage. Währenddessen nutzen Extremisten neue Eskalationen wie den Krieg gegen das iranische Mullah-Regime sofort als Vorwand für ausufernden Hass. Dr. Josef Schuster macht deutlich: „Der Krieg im Nahen Osten war immer nur ein Vorwand, niemals ein Grund für antisemitische Übergriffe und Hetze in Deutschland.“
Die andauernde Belastung führt zu einer tiefen Resignation: Nur noch 13 Prozent der Gemeinden schätzen die Zukunft für jüdisches Leben in Deutschland positiv ein. „Die Ergebnisse dieser repräsentativen Erhebung unter den Jüdischen Gemeinden in Deutschland müssen für Entscheidungsträger und die Gesellschaft gleichermaßen Alarmsignal und Ansporn sein. Der Judenhass hat sich in Deutschland normalisiert und nur enorme Kraftanstrengungen können diesen Trend umkehren. In der jüdischen Gemeinschaft schwindet das Vertrauen in diese Trendumkehr zusehends“, stellt Dr. Josef Schuster abschließend fest.
Abstract: The authors of this text, two Israeli historians, probe the background to the keynote speech delivered by Thomas Rose, the US ambassador to Poland, at the conference of the International Association of Jewish Lawyers and Judges in Warsaw in November 2025. The newly appointed envoy—a Republican political appointee and former publisher of The Jerusalem Post—insisted that claims of any Polish complicity in the German annihilation of Polish Jewry amount to a “blood libel.” In Contrast, Dreifuss and Weinbaum contend that these remarks serve to reinforce ongoing efforts by individuals and Polish officialdom to delegitimize the rigorous scholarship of a determined band of Polish researchers who have been studying wartime Polish–Jewish relations for nearly three decades. While condemning the occasional conflation of Poles with the actual masterminds and prime perpetrators of the Final Solution, the authors emphasize that local participation in the degradation, dispossession, and destruction of Polish Jews was far more extensive than had been previously recognized. They further argue that both Communist and post-Communist governments, as well as Polish individuals and institutions at home and in exile, have resisted confronting these findings and that scholars and others who challenge more reassuring narratives have faced sustained and often vitriolic attacks. The authors conclude that this excruciating chapter of history must be confronted dispassionately—on the basis of meticulous scholarly inquiry—and should not be subordinated to diplomatic or political agendas.
Abstract: In his article, the author responds to Jörg Hermann Yiftach Fehige's criticism, expressed in the article “Jewish Theology as a Science in the Context of Post-Shoah Germany” in the fall 2026 issue of “Theology and Science”. He explains why theologies, as a subject, are an integral part of the arts and humanities within the Central European university system, and why Jewish theology was added as a university subject as late as 2013, 190 years after this had been demanded by Rabbis Abraham Geiger (1836) and Ludwig Philippson (1837) as a prerequisite for the successful emancipation of Jews in a “Christian State” (Friedrich Schlegel). He also speaks out against allegations reported in Fehige's contribution that he is an abuser, cheater, and plagiarist. Keywords: Paul Feyerabend, Abraham Geiger, German Science and Humanities Council, Jewish emancipation, Jewish identity, Jewish theology, liberal democracy, relationship between state and religions, Reform Judaism, Wissenschaft des Judentums, World Union for Progressive Judaism.
Abstract: This study explores how students negotiate complex and sensitive issues in schools, focussing on the October 7, 2023, attacks and their consequences. Drawing on discourse analysis informed by Foucault and discursive psychology, we analyse students’ talk in focus group discussions as situated social action, examining how they make sense of events, construct accounts and position themselves and others. The analysis provides empirical insights into how students navigate a contested topic and contributes to pedagogical approaches that support democratic dialogue and critical engagement. The results show that students negotiate meaning through a knowledge positioning discourse, which shapes students’ willingness to engage amid epistemic ambiguity; a moral positioning discourse, which introduces pressures to take a stance and challenges deliberative ideals; and an anti-antisemitism discourse, which exposes tensions between critique of Zionism and antisemitism. Findings reveal that reliance on media-informed narratives, moral framings and contested identity categories can both enable and constrain dialogue, sometimes reinforcing polarisation and feelings of alienation. The study argues for pedagogical strategies that foster epistemic security, promote perspective-taking and critically engage with the politics of language to dismantle stereotypes and prevent dichotomous narratives.
Abstract: La Coordination intercommunautaire contre l’antisémitisme et la diffamation (CICAD) publie son rapport annuel sur l’antisémitisme en Suisse romande. Avec 2 438 incidents recensés en 2025, le phénomène atteint un niveau jamais observé depuis la mise en place du dispositif de monitoring de la CICAD.
Par rapport à 2024, où 1 789 incidents avaient été recensés, cela représente une augmentation de 36 % en un an.
Cette évolution s’inscrit dans un contexte international marqué par les conséquences de l’attaque terroriste menée par le Hamas contre Israël le 7 octobre 2023 et par la guerre à Gaza, qui ont contribué à une forte polarisation du débat public et à une diffusion accrue de discours antisémites.
La CICAD constate également une progression des actes les plus graves et sérieux. Les incidents qualifiés de graves ou sérieux sont passés de 109 cas en 2024 à 127 en 2025, soit une augmentation d’environ 16 %.
Ces actes comprennent notamment des menaces, des agressions verbales ou physiques, des dégradations visant des lieux ou des symboles juifs, ainsi que des contenus particulièrement violents ou appelant à la haine.
En 2025, la CICAD a reçu plus de 3 000 signalements. Après vérification et analyse, 2 438 incidents ont été confirmés, notamment sur la base de la définition opérationnelle de l’antisémitisme adoptée par l’Alliance internationale pour la mémoire de l’Holocauste (IHRA), organisation intergouvernementale qui réunit aujourd’hui 35 États membres.
Face à cette situation, la CICAD appelle les autorités et la société civile à une mobilisation déterminée contre l’antisémitisme, rappelant que ce phénomène constitue une menace pour la cohésion sociale et les valeurs démocratiques.
Abstract: – Beyond campus incidents, broader longitudinal survey data suggest attitudinal shifts across society, especially among younger populations. This longitudinal attitude survey suggests that there has been a significant rise in antisemitic sentiments in both Germany and the United States since the beginning of 2024 (unfortunately this is when the data set begins).
– Age is the strongest predictor of antisemitic attitudes, with younger respondents, particularly young men, consistently more likely to endorse exclusionary views about Jews in both the U.S. and Germany.
– High social media use and conspiratorial thinking strongly correlate with antisemitic sentiment, especially in the United States, indicating digital environments as key drivers of contemporary prejudice formation.
– In the United States young people are more likely to evince antisemitic views, while in Germany older people are more likely to be islamophobic.
– The data do not support a broad resurgence of left-wing antisemitism; instead, political polarization and xenophobia, especially on the right, remain central predictors of exclusionary attitudes.
Topics: Main Topic: Antisemitism, October 7 2023 attacks + aftermath, Gender, Feminism, Antisemitism, Antisemitism: Israel-Related, Antisemitism: Left-Wing, Antisemitism: Theory, Theory: Critical Theory, Sexism and Misogyny, Intersectionality
Abstract: Antisemitism and Sexism: Ideological Constellations Before and After 7 October analyses the manifold ways in which antisemitism and sexism appear not as isolated ideologies but as intersecting ones, exploring their historical, social, political, economic, and psychological constellations. Drawing on Critical Theory, the book offers a comparative historical analysis of these entanglements from nineteenth-century Europe—particularly Germany and Austria—through National Socialism and its preconditions, to the historical and contemporary formations of Islamism. The sexist antisemitism of 7 October and its aftermath are examined as a contemporary eruption of these enduring ideological patterns, while Critical Theory itself is sharpened in light of these events.
Structured around distinct analytical dimensions, the book opens with a theoretically dense examination of the damaged relationship between human beings and nature under modern labour society, identified by Critical Theory as a key source of both antisemitism and sexism. Subsequent chapters analyse the contradictory constructions of Judaism and femininity, the relation between body and mind, and socially regulated forms of sexuality. Conspiracy myths linking weakness and omnipotence, the psychosocial roots of authoritarian dispositions, and the embedding of these ideologies in specific formations of capitalist modernity and repressive communities are examined in turn. The book also offers a critical examination of intersectional feminist antisemitism in the aftermath of 7 October and advances a proposal to reformulate intersectionality as an ideology-critical framework for a feminist critique of antisemitism.
