This background material is supported by essays by Poles who have been active in the changes that have taken place in Poland since 1989. A young Jewish-Polish man gives insight into what it is like to grow up in contemporary Poland, and a Jewish-Polish woman who was musical director and conductor of the Jewish choir, Tslil, gives her view of learning through the arts. Essays by Polish scholars active in Holocaust education and curriculum design give past, present and future perspectives of learning about Jewish history and culture.
Culture, Identity and Stereotypes
The Historical Context
Jewish Student NGOs in Present-Day Poland (1999–2013): Being Here by Piotr Goldstein
Jewish Studies and Holocaust Education at Polish Universities
The Center for Holocaust Studies at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków: Studies, Research, Remembrance by Jolanta Ambrosewicz-Jacobs, Elisabeth Büttner and Katarzyna Suszkiewicz
Holocaust Education in Polish Public Schools
The Legacy of the Holocaust in Poland and Its Educational Dimension by Piotr Trojański
NGOs and Their Role in Holocaust Education and Jewish Studies
Memory, Non-Memory and Post-Memory of the Holocaust: Coming Out of Amnesia in Post-Communist Poland? by Jolanta Ambrosewicz-Jacobs
Museums: Their Role in Holocaust Education and Jewish Studies
The Role of the Arts in Holocaust Education and Jewish Studies
Teaching About the Holocaust through Music by Izabella Goldstein
Jewish Culture Festivals in Poland
The Limmud mission, which emphasizes learning, diversity and community, has proven to be a compelling set of values. These values are central to international groups. Studies have shown that Limmud participants are highly likely to travel internationally and recognize that they are part of a global community. However, this is not enough. The question that needs to be addressed entails how being a member of an international community can help us strengthen the Jewish people.
Впервые воедино собраны материалы восьми исследований, проведенных авторами в течение последних десяти лет, и большая часть полученных данных публикуется впервые. Это позволяет получить доступ к беспрецедентно большому массиву информации и проанализировать исследовательские вопросы более углубленно, чем это когда-либо делалось прежде.
Книга может представлять интерес для социологов, этнологов, антропологов, культурологов и специалистов по иудаике, а также для широкого круга читателей, интересующихся современными проблемами еврейства
The study focuses on Limmud volunteers and draws on a survey of ten Limmud volunteer communities in eight countries - UK, USA, South Africa, Bulgaria, Hungary, Germany, Israel and Argentina - together with focus groups conducted with Limmud volunteers from around the world.
The findings provide clear evidence that Limmud advances the majority of its volunteers on their Jewish journeys, and for a significant proportion it takes them ‘further’ towards greater interest in and commitment to Jewish life.
Limmud’s principle impact on its volunteers lies in making new friends and contacts, encountering different kinds of Jews and enhancing a sense of connection to the Jewish people. For many Limmud volunteers, their experience has increased their Jewish
knowledge, their leadership skills and their involvement in the wider Jewish community. Involvement in Limmud therefore enhances both the desire to take further steps on their Jewish journeys, and the tools for doing so.
Limmud impacts equally on Jews regardless of denominationand religious practice. The younger the volunteers and the less committed they are when they begin their Limmud journeys, the further Limmud takes them. Those with more senior levels of involvement in Limmud report higher levels of impact on their Jewish journeys than other volunteers, as do those who had received a subsidy or training from Limmud.
Limmud volunteers often have difficult experiences and risk burnout and
exhaustion. While volunteers generally view the gains as worth the cost, Limmud
needs to pay attention to this issue and provide further support.
the Jewish community since 1990. Yet, this article also posits that non-Jewish Germans too have
changed substantially due to immigration and new generational views on the legacy of the Holocaust.
As such, Jewish Studies has to communicate the history of the German Jewry to Jews and
Gentiles mostly unfamiliar with its rich legacy. It needs to comment on Holocaust memorialization
to educate new generations of Gentiles as well as Jewish immigrants, for whom the end of
the Cold War bears more significance than the Holocaust. Finally, it needs to be part of new conversations
between Christians and Jews that also includes the large Muslim minority in Germany.
While the changing audiences in Germany dictate a focus on Jews in Germany, Jewish Studies
also needs to embrace a more European perspective reflective of the more comparative and transdisciplinary
scholarship abroad. Despite the significant growth of Jewish Studies in Germany over
the last two decades, these challenges call for even greater efforts.
learning of Hebrew. Indeed, prominent figures in the UK Jewish establishment have
singled out the teaching of Ivrit (Modern Hebrew) in Jewish day schools as in need of
improvement. Former Chief Rabbi Lord Sacks argues that whilst children are undoubtedly
better educated Jewishly now than in the past, many challenges remain.
I contend that the physical separation between the Jewish Studies and the Hebrew
departments in Jewish day schools does a disservice to both by shutting the door to
crucial teaching and learning opportunities of Hebrew. I recommend that Jewish day
schools should be working towards breaking down these ‘barriers’. In the present
research, I address this issue from the perspective of my own interest, namely Hebrew
pedagogy. My research investigates the extent to which creating connections between
Biblical Hebrew and Modern Hebrew can enhance the teaching and learning of Hebrew in
Jewish day schools.
I employ an Action Research methodology within the context of a case study using
elements of Appreciative Inquiry and written through the lens of Autoethnography. From a
theoretical perspective, I draw on research regarding second and foreign language
acquisition and suggest that Ivrit cannot be separated from its religious, cultural and
historic framework. That is, while Hebrew is taught in the United Kingdom as a Modern
Foreign Language, I propose that we are in fact teaching a cultural language. This term
more aptly describes a modern living language bound up in a particular religion, culture
and time, as is Ivrit. Using the Hebrew root letters as the route to link Biblical and Modern
Hebrew, my research demonstrates that this integration can enhance the teaching and
learning of both. My case study shows that schools and teachers who choose to integrate
Biblical and Modern Hebrew can successfully embrace educational change, a process
which will require them to confront their belief systems as well as accepting new teaching
approaches and materials.
The Hebrew language has evolved, survived and thrived over the millennia and for me it is
the essence of Jewish survival.
This book examines the nuances of faith in school settings and draws on a case study of Jewish and Muslim faith schools. The authors show how these institutions play a role in sustaining their own religious heritage while also engaging with, and providing a place of safety from, the wider community. It sets this case study approach within an historical perspective on faith schools and their relationship with the state in the UK and Europe, and gives an overview of key debates on faith schools. Finally, it examines practical curricula suggestions that all schools can adopt to develop skills around tolerance and engagement to prepare students to live and lead in a diverse 21st century. The book conveys:
• the experiences of some Jewish and Muslim schools within England gathered from one-to-one interviews with teachers, parents, and community representatives, and from focus groups with children;
• a more detailed understanding of Jewish and Muslim concepts of community;
• perceptions of anti-Semitism and Islamophobia;
• alternatives for preparing children with the skills and knowledge needed in the 21st century; and
• the implications for policy and practice in faith schools and those not characterized by a religious ethos or affiliation.
This publication is for school leaders, teachers, teacher trainers, students, and parents. It will also interest government and non-government bodies relating to race relations and education
- See more at: https://www.ucl-ioe-press.com/books/faith-in-education/reaching-in-reaching-out/#sthash.l7da6c8n.dpuf
relations, and group identities within the private schools operated by the
francophone Jewish communities of Brussels, Paris, and Geneva.1 A school’s
organizational structure and balance of power reflect its identity and its
conceptual world. That is, its organizational structure reflects the forces operating
within the school system, the power wielded by various actors, and the
relationships existing between the system and the actors. A school’s balance
of power is thus a practical manifestation of its inherent political inclination
and identity. The main concern in this article is to analyze the ways in which
the structural organization of the school influences the allocation of power
and the school’s identity, and how this identity affects structural aspects of the
the sociocultural construct of human nature. Regarded as a construct whose form
and content is intrinsically connected to economic, historic and sociocultural factors,
the thesis attempts to explain how specific circumstances have caused the orthodox
Jewish community of Gateshead to re-negotiate and crystallize the concept of
human nature in their quest to live ethical and moral lives. In the last fifty years
this community has become known as a prominent centre for higher rabbinical
studies and attracts students from all over the world. Apart from its high
intellectual standards it has also gained a reputation as harbouring members who
are devoted to inter-personal ethics. The contention of this thesis is that the
community's level of compliance to such behaviours requires an awareness and a
well-defined notion of one's "inner" self and its various components that govern the
process of moral and ethical conduct.
Underpinning a wide range of sociocultural activities the thesis deals in particular
with the way in which ideas of human nature are inherent to the content and form
of indigenous educational theory. The process of child-rearing not only ensures the
reproduction of competent sociocultural members, it also aids the child in acquiring
an understanding of its "inner" self. The latter is in Gateshead defined as the locus
of personal and individual responsibility and is consequently vital in making the child
aware of its potentiality for moral conduct.
By carefully analyzing mother-child interactions it is revealed how the structure and
content of these interactions are organized by and expressive of inherent ideas
concerning the concept of human nature. Through active participation in these
interaction sequences the child is provided with an opportunity to construct and
acquire an understanding of itself as a moral agent.
This book explains the radical reconfiguring of Jewish education in England in historical and sociocultural terms. It explores the transformations that took place in every aspect of Jewish education: curriculum, religious/ideological orientation, school format (afternoon classes vs day schools), funding (private vs state), and more. The author shows that this dramatic transition directly reflects both changes in the socioeconomic profile and self-identity of Anglo-Jewry as well as demographic and cultural changes in British society in general. Tracking the shift from integration to separation, this book maps the effect of competing societal, personal and communal agendas, pedagogic paradigms, and pragmatic constraints on the rise of the Jewish day school in England.
The major challenge that we face is the governmental stance that religion cannot be enforced on pupils, while we endeavour to educate and provide strong Jewish identities. This article will focus on how much this stance affects the Jewish identity of the youth attending an integrated school environment as well as other factors that influence Jewish identities.
The study demonstrates that Limmud's educational philosophy is heavily grounded in the interaction of competing tensions, or polarities, on multiple levels. Major categorical distinctions drawn in educational philosophy and practice, and Jewish and general sociology, are both maintained and allowed to interact. This interaction takes place in a "hospitable and charged" environment – one that is simultaneously safe, respectful and comfortable, whilst also edgy, powerful and challenging - that allows the individual freedom to explore and navigate the contours of Jewish community, and the Jewish community opportunity to envelope and nurture the experience of the individual. The study suggests that the interaction of these competing forces, in the context of an intensive Jewish experience, may be an important feature of Jewish educational initiatives attempting to respond to the identity challenges described above. More generally, in detailing a contemporary educational model that sustains religious/ethnic identity whilst emphasising critical thought and openness to competing claims and ideas, it presents an approach that may be applicable in other religious and ethnic communities.
By contrast, outside of Israel, in Western countries where there is no compulsory conscription, young Haredi men have the option of choosing the way they combine Torah study with earning a livelihood at any time in their life. Multiculturalism, which developed in Western cities mainly in the second half of the twentieth century, enabled various combinations of tradition and modernity among immigrant groups, including the Haredi one. In Israel, on the other hand, Haredi society entrenched itself in the stronghold of yeshivas and kollels and in so doing succeeded, almost completely, in disconnecting new generations of Haredi men from professional and academic studies―the foundation of higher scale income.
In order to predict trends in Israeli ultra-Orthodox society in the coming years, it is important to understand the conditions under which this society operates in other countries. In this study London's Stamford Hill cluster of largely Hassidic population, serves as a kind of 'laboratory' for examining patterns of how kollel students enter the work cycle in the absence of compulsory conscription. It might, therefore, serve as a means of comparison with the Haredi society in Israel. The study was based mainly on interviews and random conversations with leaders, activists, professionals, business people, and the 'man in the street'.
The main finding of this paper is the existence of a range of options for correlation between Torah learning and earning a livelihood. I have identified five functional types of young Haredi men, who characterize not only various kinds of Haredi men, but also various stages in a person's life related to the balance that can be maintained between learning and earning:
• The 'full-time learner' devotes all of his time to Torah study, relying on his parents and in-laws for sustenance, as well as on the welfare state allowances and the kollel stipends.
• The 'learner who earns a small amount' learns full-time in a kollel, but concurrently, tries to make a partial living. In this way he can somewhat rise above the financial hardship and assume his share in the duty to earn a living, which is also one of the norms of ultra-Orthodox society. This type of student pursues earning opportunities that fit in with his Torah study schedule: the breaks between lessons during the day (bein hasdarim), and the longer vacations during the year (bein hazmanim).
• The 'part-time learner’ commits himself to Torah studies only for part of the day. The remaining time is dedicated to paid activities, either as a teacher or in the realm of trade or services.
• The 'learning earner' has left the kollel and found his way into gainful employment while maintaining a regular regimen of Torah study based on the practice of 'setting a fixed time for Torah' (kove’a itim laTorah). Some learning earners (known as balebatim) learn with a hevruta (a study partner) at home or in a beit midrash (a designated 'House of Study'), before or after prayer times in the morning or evening. Some find time to learn for an hour or more during the day, near their workplace. The connection with Torah study is fastidiously maintained.
• The 'earner who learns a small amount' does not set times for studying Torah on a daily basis, but rather learns intermittently, on the Sabbath and holidays, or in family events.
It appears that Haredi society outside of Israel is able to maintain the dynamic balance between full-time study and earning an income because the quota in years for full-time kollel study is determined on an individual basis. Married Haredi men outside of Israel set for themselves a personal quota for years of full-time Torah study, beyond their bachelor years in yeshiva. After they have reached the decision that they have fulfilled the quota, they attempt the work cycle in different ways. The quota is not fixed and uniform. There are no official rules, nor is there anything but tacit rabbinic agreement on the matter. It appears that every married man is free to determine the level of quota for himself, social pressures and practices notwithstanding. A decision to terminate one's studies is based on existing conditions, which vary, both in terms of the willingness and ability of married men to continue in their studies, and in terms of their family's economic situation.
Among the Hasidic Haredi men, the period of full-time learning is usually shorter than among non-Hasidic groups ("Lithuanian" and "German" Haredi men). The Hasidic men are content with one to three years of Torah studies as married men in the kollel. In contrast, the non-Hasidic Haredi men assume quotas of three to five years, and sometimes more. This disparity in years is rooted in the different world views of these two groups regarding the religious and social importance of full-time Torah studies. As a result, Hasidic men are the first to enter the world of work. One might assume that if legislative changes regarding mandatory military service in Israel are to transpire, Hasidic men, more so than the Lithuanians, will rapidly abandon the status of married students and begin working. The Sephardic Haredi men are more enigmatic in this matter. On the one hand, in Sephardic Judaism there is a tradition of combining work with Torah study, as well as combining sacred with secular studies. On the other hand, they have been significantly influenced over the decades by the tradition of Lithuanian yeshivas.
Based on this study conducted in London, which sequels a previous study I conducted in the New York City area, it can be concluded that in recent years setbacks have curtailed the momentum of growth in the percentage of full-time learners in Haredi society. Of late, economic difficulties have jeopardized the continued generosity of the welfare state. In addition, consumer society has taken a stronger hold in the ultra-Orthodox public. Haredi society outside of Israel is adjusting itself to internal and external changes, and is also attentive to the stirring desires of its members. The overall impression from the available data on the Haredi community in London's Stamford Hill area and a number of other ultra-Orthodox communities outside of Israel, is one of a society seeking and finding realistic balances between Torah study and earning a living, in keeping with the changing financial and social circumstances. In its heyday of financial flourishing, this society expanded the component of full-time Torah-learners. In times of hardship it reduces this component, and it appears that it is doing so at present.
This study proposes that ultra-Orthodoxy in Western countries is not a 'society of learners,' as is the accepted definition of ultra-Orthodoxy in Israel. It is rather a 'society of learners and earners,' even in the most conservative parts of the Haredi population, such as the Stamford Hill community, where only a small proportion – approximately one-fifth – of married Haredi men devote themselves to full-time Torah studies in a kollel framework. Some two-thirds of these men are engaged, in different ways, in earning a living. Even among the kollel students themselves, there is a certain degree of involvement in earning a living, whether part-time or occasional. This is not the current situation in Haredi society in Israel, where about two thirds of the men do not work for a living. However, a close look at budding processes in recent years within Haredi society in Israel makes it possible to state that many Haredi men are ready to take the alternative path, in various levels of balance, of learning and earning. Based on these signs, it can be hypothesized that ultra-Orthodox society in Israel is beginning to move towards a new situation of a 'society of learners and earners,' in a manner similar to Haredi society in North America and Western Europe.
Volume 3 contains the research instruments and tables about Jewish education in Germany.