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Author(s): Fellous, Gérard
Date: 2014
Abstract: En 2005, la France célébra le centenaire de la loi de séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat, un an après le vote de la loi sur les signes religieux à l’école et le débat passionné qu’elle a suscité en France. Depuis plusieurs années, la laïcité est devenue un terrain d’affrontements et de vives tensions. Par exemple, Marine Le Pen se réclame du principe de laïcité pour se donner une respectabilité républicaine. Or, les valeurs que défend le Front national sont à l’opposé du principe de laïcité.

Il faut donc rappeler qu’en France, la laïcité c’est d’abord une liberté de croyance, une liberté de conscience qui permet aux hommes et aux femmes qui composent une société d’y vivre comme ils le souhaitent. Elle permet donc de concilier la diversité des croyances et des patrimoines culturels avec l’égalité des droits. L’État républicain doit se faire accueillant à tous, sans discrimination. Pour cela, il se refuse à tout privilège des particularismes : ni religion reconnue, ni athéisme consacré. Les religions et les humanismes athée ou agnostique peuvent se vivre librement, dans la sphère privée de l’intimité personnelle. La laïcité est donc porteuse d’un idéal, celui de l’individu-citoyen, elle est donc faite pour tout le peuple. La laïcité c’est également un ensemble de lois qui permettent à tous les citoyens de vivre ensemble sans qu’ils aient à renoncer à leurs particularités. Il n’y a pas de contradiction entre l’identité et la citoyenneté.

Face à une laïcité très souvent mal connue ou ignorée par une majorité des citoyens, les juifs de France, qu’ils soient croyants, pratiquants ou non, attachés à leurs origines religieuses ou athées, ont tissé des liens historique, sociologique et philosophique avec cette laïcité consubstantielle à leur citoyenneté et à leur adhésion à la Nation, résume Gérard Fellous, dans ce texte que nous publions pour ce vingt-huitième numéro des Etudes du CRIF: « La laïcité française. L’attachement du judaïsme. » Le judaïsme français s’est toujours montré fortement attaché aux principes fondamentaux de la laïcité, résume-t-il encore, avec justesse.

Certes.

Mais, si les atteintes à la laïcité ne sont pas acceptables, il ne saurait pourtant être question d’abdiquer devant les éventuelles atteintes aux fondamentaux, tant en France qu’en Europe.

La montée d’une sorte d’antijudaïsme institutionnel et « légal » inquiète les juifs d’Europe, lequel antijudaïsme a commencé à se traduire dans plusieurs grands pays de l’Union européenne par une remise en cause directe du droit et de la possibilité d’exercer librement la religion juive. Lorsque l’Assemblée parlementaire du Conseil de l’Europe vote en plénière, une résolution contre la circoncision assimilée à une mutilation sexuelle, cela nous éclaire sur sa face sombre. Le CRIF a mis un point d’honneur à dénoncer ce projet de loi-cadre. Nous pensons également à la remise en cause de la cacherout alimentaire - et surtout des autorisations jusque-là consenties à l’abattage rituel juif, dans quelques pays, ce qui serait une atteinte à une tradition millénaire.

Roger Cukierman,

Président du CRIF

Author(s): Schaum, Ina
Date: 2018
Abstract: Im Zentrum des Dissertationsprojektes steht die empirisch verankerte Erarbeitung einer intersektionellen, feministischen Theorie von Liebe und Liebesbeziehungen als Orte des Doing Gender in Verschränkung mit Doing Being Jewish (Jüdischsein) bzw. mit Doing Being German (Deutschsein). Was Jüdischsein und Deutschsein bedeutet und wie es konzeptualisiert werden kann, soll durch die Erhebung narrativer Interview empirisch rekonstruiert werden.

Die Dissertation hat zwei Ausgangspunkte. Der erste ist, sich Liebe als eigenständigem Forschungsgegenstand feministischer Analyse zuzuwenden. In Liebesbeziehungen – als verkörperlichte Erfahrungen von Liebe und Begehren, Macht und Dominanz – werden Geschlechterverhältnisse und andere Ungleichverhältnisse und damit zusammenhängend vergeschlechtlichte Arbeitsteilungen von care work und emotional work (re)produziert, verändert, aufgehoben oder legitimiert. Der zweite Ausgangspunkt ist die Feststellung von Kurt Grünberg in seiner Studie „Liebe nach Auschwitz“ (2000), dass Liebesbeziehungen den wohl intimsten Kontakt zwischen Nachkommen von Überlebenden der Shoah und Nachkommen von Täter*innen, Mitläufer*innen und Nazi-Sympathisant*innen im Land der Täter*innen und Opfer bilden. Vor dem Hintergrund der Shoah und der Nürnberger Gesetze von 1935, welche das sogenannte „Blutschutzgesetz“ und das Verbot von Eheschließungen und Geschlechtsverkehr zwischen Juden/Jüdinnen* und Nicht-Juden/Jüdinnen* umfassten, ist zu fragen, welche Gefühlserbschaften und Erinnerungen (active memory) an die Folgegenerationen weitergegeben werden und wie intime Beziehungen und Liebesbeziehungen davon (nicht) beeinflusst werden. Die beiden Ausgangspunkte sollen miteinander verknüpft werden, um eine kritische, intersektionelle feministische Analyseperspektive in Bezug auf Liebesbeziehungen als auch auf die komplexen Differenz- und Identitätskonstruktionen von Jüdischsein und Deutschsein einzunehmen.

Außerdem sollen forschungsethische Überlegungen in Hinblick auf Theoriebildungsprozesse, Methodenentwicklung und Ergebnisdarstellung im Kontext der „negativen deutsch-jüdischen Symbiose“ (Diner 1986) einerseits und einer feministischen Epistemologie des „situierten Wissens“ (Haraway 1988) andererseits entwickelt werden, da die individuelle, familiäre und soziale Verstrickung mit dem Nationalsozialismus keine Position der Unbeteiligtheit zulässt und eine reflektierte und selbstkritische Positionierung von mir als Forscherin verlangt.
Author(s): Vitale, Alessandro
Date: 2014
Abstract: Technically, Israel is not the only official Jewish homeland in the world. In the Far East of Russian Siberia there still exists the Jewish Autonomous Region (JAR) of Birobidzhan. Beginning in 1928 the Soviet Union set aside a territory larger than Belgium and Holland combined and considerably bigger than Israel, for Jewish settlement, located some five thousands miles east of Moscow along the Soviet-Chinese border, between the 48th and 49th parallels north latitude, where the climate and conditions are similar to Ontario and Michigan. Believing that Soviet Jewish people, like other national minorities, deserved a territorial homeland, the Soviet regime decided to settle a territorythat in 1934 would become the Jewish Autonomous Region. The idea was to create a new Zion–in a move to counterweight to Palestine – where a “proletarian Jewish culture” based on Yiddish language could be developed. In fact, the establishment of the JAR was the first instance of an officially acknowledged Jewish national territory since ancient times: the “First Israel”. But the history of the Region was tragic and the ex-periment failed. Nevertheless, Birobidzhan’s renewed existence of today and the revival of Jewish life in the post-Soviet JAR are not only a curious legacy of Soviet national policy, but after the break-up of the Soviet Union and the worldwide religious rebirth represent an interesting case-study in order to studysome challenging geographic pro-blems, and interethnic relations.
Author(s): Vitale, Alessandro
Date: 2015
Author(s): Morawska, Lucia
Date: 2012
Author(s): Katz, Ethan B.
Date: 2018
Abstract: To date, scholars have rarely talked about contemporary antisemitism and Islamophobia in France as part of a single story. When they have, it has typically been as part of a framework for analyzing racism that is essentially competitive: some depict Islamophobia as less a real problem than a frequent excuse to ignore antisemitism; others minimize antisemitism as an unfortunate but marginal phenomenon by comparison with the pervasive nature of anti-Muslim racism in French society. This article argues that the two are inseparable, and it focuses on a hitherto overlooked set of connections: in the era since the attacks on Charlie Hebdo and Hyper Cacher in January 2015, at key flash points that question Muslim belonging in France, the position of Jews has repeatedly been invoked in ambiguous, contradictory ways. Participants in these public debates have sometimes forcefully maintained that Jews are unlike Muslims, since they have long been fully integrated French citizens. At other moments, these discussions have raised the specter of Jewish ethnic and religious difference. By emphasizing Jewish particularity, such debates evoke, perforce, the past twenty-five years of controversies about the allegedly problematic attire, food, and beliefs of France’s Muslims. The article focuses on several key moments, from the speech of Prime Minister Manuel Valls before the French parliament in the wake of the Charlie Hebdo and Hyper Cacher attacks, to the kippah and burkini affairs of 2016, to the provocative comments of candidates in the 2017 presidential elections concerning Muslim and Jewish religious and ethnic markers of difference.
Author(s): Hofman, Nila Ginger
Date: 2018
Date: 2016
Abstract: This book is the first comprehensive study of postwar antisemitism in the Netherlands. It focuses on the way stereotypes are passed on from one decade to the next, as reflected in public debates, the mass media, protests and commemorations, and everyday interactions. The Holocaust, Israel and 'the Jew' explores the ways in which old stories and phrases relating to 'the stereotypical Jew' are recycled and modified for new uses, linking the antisemitism of the early postwar years to its enduring manifestations in today's world.

The Dutch case is interesting because of the apparent contrast between the Netherlands' famous tradition of tolerance and the large numbers of Jews who were deported and murdered in the Second World War. The book sheds light on the dark side of this so-called 'Dutch paradox,' in manifestations of aversion and guilt after 1945. In this context, the abusive taunt 'They forgot to gas you' can be seen as the first radical expression of postwar antisemitism as well as an indication of how the Holocaust came to be turned against the Jews. The identification of 'the Jew' with the gas chamber spread from the streets to football stadiums, and from verbal abuse to pamphlet and protest. The slogan 'Hamas, Hamas all the Jews to the gas' indicates that Israel became a second marker of postwar antisemitism.

The chapters cover themes including soccer-related antisemitism, Jewish responses, philosemitism, antisemitism in Dutch-Moroccan and Dutch- Turkish communities, contentious acts of remembrance, the neo-Nazi tradition, and the legacy of Theo van Gogh. The book concludes with a lengthy epilogue on 'the Jew' in the politics of the radical right, the attacks in Paris in 2015, and the refugee crisis. The stereotype of 'the Jew' appears to be transferable to other minorities.

Contents:

Preface

1 Why Jews are more guilty than others : An introductory essay, 1945-2016
Evelien Gans
Part I Post-Liberation Antisemitism
2 ‘The Jew’ as Dubious Victim
Evelien Gans
3 The Meek Jew – and Beyond
Evelien Gans
4 Alte Kameraden: Right-wing Antisemitism and Holocaust Denial
Remco Ensel, Evelien Gans and Willem Wagenaar
5 Jewish Responses to Post-Liberation Antisemitism
Evelien Gans
Part II Israel and ‘the Jew’
6 Philosemitism? Ambivalences regarding Israel
Evelien Gans
7 Transnational Left-wing Protest and the ‘Powerful Zionist’
Remco Ensel
8 Israel: Source of Divergence
Evelien Gans
9 ‘The Activist Jew’ Responds to Changing Dutch Perceptions of Israel
Katie Digan
10 Turkish Anti-Zionism in the Netherlands: From Leftist to Islamist Activism
Annemarike Stremmelaar
Part III The Holocaust-ed Jew in Native Dutch Domains
since the 1980s
11 ‘The Jew’ in Football: To Kick Around or to Embrace
Evelien Gans
12 Pornographic Antisemitism, Shoah Fatigue and Freedom of Speech
Evelien Gans
13 Historikerstreit: The Stereotypical Jew in Recent Dutch Holocaust Studies
Remco Ensel and Evelien Gans
Part IV Generations. Migrant Identities and Antisemitism in the Twenty-first Century
14 ‘The Jew’ vs. ‘the Young Male Moroccan’: Stereotypical Confrontations in the City
Remco Ensel
15 Conspiracism: Islamic Redemptive Antisemitism and the Murder of Theo van Gogh
Remco Ensel
16 Reading Anne Frank: Confronting Antisemitism in Turkish Communities
Annemarike Stremmelaar
17 Holocaust Commemorations in Postcolonial Dutch Society
Remco Ensel
18 Epilogue: Instrumentalising and Blaming ‘the Jew’, 2011-2016
Evelien Gans
Author(s): Perra, Emiliano
Date: 2018
Date: 2007
Date: 2017
Abstract: Background: The English National Health Service (NHS) has significantly extended the supply of evidence based
psychological interventions in primary care for people experiencing common mental health problems. Yet despite
the extra resources, the accessibility of services for ‘under-served’ ethnic and religious minority groups, is considerably
short of the levels of access that may be necessary to offset the health inequalities created by their different exposure
to services, resulting in negative health outcomes. This paper offers a critical reflection upon an initiative that sought
to improve access to an NHS funded primary care mental health service to one ‘under-served’ population, an
Orthodox Jewish community in the North West of England.

Methods: A combination of qualitative and quantitative data were drawn upon including naturally occurring data,
observational notes, e-mail correspondence, routinely collected demographic data and clinical outcomes measures, as
well as written feedback and recorded discussions with 12 key informants.

Results: Improvements in access to mental health care for some people from the Orthodox Jewish community were
achieved through the collaborative efforts of a distributed leadership team. The members of this leadership team
were a self-selecting group of stakeholders which had a combination of local knowledge, cultural understanding,
power to negotiate on behalf of their respective constituencies and expertise in mental health care. Through a process
of dialogic engagement the team was able to work with the community to develop a bespoke service that
accommodated its wish to maintain a distinct sense of cultural otherness.

Conclusions: This critical reflection illustrates how dialogic engagement can further the mechanisms of candidacy,
concordance and recursivity that are associated with improvements in access to care in under-served sections of the
population, whilst simultaneously recognising the limits of constructive dialogue. Dialogue can change the dynamic of
community engagement. However, the full alignment of the goals of differing constituencies may not always be
possible, due the complex interaction between the multiple positions and understandings of stakeholders that are
involved and the need to respect the other’-s’ autonomy.
Author(s): Benhabib, Seyla
Date: 2015
Abstract: This article is an autobiographical contribution recounting the entanglement of Turkish, Jewish and Armenian memories in contemporary Turkey. The ‘special friendship’ between Turkey and the Sephardic Jews, who were given refuge by the Ottoman Empire after escaping the Inquisition in Spain in 1492, has always been used as evidence of the generosity and toleration of Ottoman and subsequent Turkish rule. Recent historical research shows that these claims are both historically inaccurate and politically instrumental. Nevertheless, the Sephardic-Jewish sense of gratitude towards their Turkish protectors, as well as their continuing sense of vulnerability, is acute. Particularly in the year of the centenary of the Armenian Genocide (2015), the tangled memories of Jews, Turks and Armenians have been on display with official commemorations of the tragedy of the vessel Struma carrying Jewish refugees from Romania to Palestine (1942) and the battle over Gallipoli (1915). The Battle of Gallipoli is presented by the Turkish authorities as the beginning of the Turkish war of independence (1919–23) against imperial powers, thus emphasizing that the Armenian Genocide was part of a complex history, the purpose of which was to liberate Turkey from foreign domination. The article analyses the symbolic connections among these events and concludes by looking at the geopolitics of contemporary Turkish–Israeli relations and their impact on Armenian Genocide recognition attempts in the USA.
Date: 2016
Abstract: This article explores contemporary images of Jews and Muslims in Norway by using qualitative empirical data, namely the answers to an open-ended question that was included in a quantitative survey on attitudes towards Jews and other minorities in Norway, conducted in 2012. The target group for the survey consisted of Norwegian residents aged 18 and above. A total of 1522 people answered the questionnaire. The results of the survey can be considered as representative of the Norwegian population with respect to age, gender, education and geographical distribution.

Respondents were asked what they regarded to be the reasons for existing negative attitudes towards Jews and Muslims respectively. This article analyzes whether the perceptions reflected in the respondents’ answers represent stereotypical views and partly include traces of conspiracy beliefs. The article also discusses these perceptions within the broader perspective of Norwegian society, asking in which ways the data reflects ideas of inclusion and exclusion.

The analysis exposes differences regarding traditional stereotypes and prejudices against the two minorities and the ways in which these prejudices are linked to (perceived) contemporary conflicts and tensions – both within Norwegian society and internationally. Negative attitudes towards Jews are often explained with reference to the role played by Israel in the Middle East conflict, and almost never with specific reference to Norwegian society. The material contains few examples describing Jews as scapegoats for current social problems in Norway. On the contrary, respondents’ answers indicate social distance. Approximately half of the answers claim that negative attitudes towards Jews are due to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The images of Jews presented in connection with this conflict are predominantly negative and characterized by topics such as oppression, ruthlessness and power. The analysis shows how these statements serve to reduce complexity by effectively equating “Jews” with “Israelis”. As a consequence Jews seem to be excluded from the notion of the Norwegian national collective.

The statements about Muslims show that they are regarded to be citizens and as such part of Norwegian society, but with characteristics perceived as problematic and threatening. Respondents often connected negative attitudes towards Muslims with a “foreign culture”. Many statements describe Muslims as oppressive to women, as harboring undemocratic attitudes or as criminals.

The data shows how people develop generalizations, describing something as “typically Muslim” or “typically Jewish”, reflecting current debates and media coverage. Such generalizations derive their strength from placing the speaker in a morally superior position. In the present material these attitudes represent the antithesis of an implicit notion of the Norwegian community as a liberal, egalitarian and peace-loving society. Despite the differences, a clear picture emerges that the characterizations of both Jews and Muslims seem to serve a common function: to provide a contrast to this national self-image. Such polarized notions of “us” and “them”, however, undermine the values generally constructed as “Norwegian”: when “the other” bears problematic features that we do not want to acknowledge in ourselves or our communities, we lose the ability to critically reflect on who we are. While maintaining an idealized notion of “us”, we become increasingly dependent on a rejection and denial of the “other”.
Date: 2013
Abstract: Despite the Holocaust’s profound impact on the history of Eastern Europe, the communist regimes successfully repressed public discourse about and memory of this tragedy. Since the collapse of communism in 1989, however, this has changed. Not only has a wealth of archival sources become available, but there have also been oral history projects and interviews recording the testimonies of eyewitnesses who experienced the Holocaust as children and young adults. Recent political, social, and cultural developments have facilitated a more nuanced and complex understanding of the continuities and discontinuities in representations of the Holocaust. People are beginning to realize the significant role that memory of Holocaust plays in contemporary discussions of national identity in Eastern Europe.

This volume of original essays explores the memory of the Holocaust and the Jewish past in postcommunist Eastern Europe. Devoting space to every postcommunist country, the essays in Bringing the Dark Past to Light explore how the memory of the “dark pasts” of Eastern European nations is being recollected and reworked. In addition, it examines how this memory shapes the collective identities and the social identity of ethnic and national minorities. Memory of the Holocaust has practical implications regarding the current development of national cultures and international relationships.

Table of Contents
List of Illustrations
Preface and Acknowledgments
Introduction
John-Paul Himka and Joanna Beata Michlic
1. "Our Conscience Is Clean": Albanian Elites and the Memory of the Holocaust in Postsocialist Albania
Daniel Perez
2. The Invisible Genocide: The Holocaust in Belarus
Per Anders Rudling
3. Contemporary Responses to the Holocaust in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Francine Friedman
4. Debating the Fate of Bulgarian Jews during World War II
Joseph Benatov
5. Representations of the Holocaust and Historical Debates in Croatia since 1989
Mark Biondich
6. The Sheep of Lidice: The Holocaust and the Construction of Czech National History
Michal Frankl
7. Victim of History: Perceptions of the Holocaust in Estonia
Anton Weiss-Wendt
8. Holocaust Remembrance in the German Democratic Republic--and Beyond
Peter Monteath
9. The Memory of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Hungary
Part 1: The Politics of Holocaust Memory
Paul Hanebrink
Part 2: Cinematic Memory of the Holocaust
Catherine Portuges
10. The Transformation of Holocaust Memory in Post-Soviet Latvia
Bella Zisere
11. Conflicting Memories: The Reception of the Holocaust in Lithuania
Saulius Sužied<edot>lis and Šarūnas Liekis
12. The Combined Legacies of the "Jewish Question" and the "Macedonian Question"
Holly Case
13. Public Discourses on the Holocaust in Moldova: Justification, Instrumentalization, and Mourning
Vladimir Solonari
14. The Memory of the Holocaust in Post-1989 Poland: Renewal--Its Accomplishments and Its Powerlessness
Joanna B. Michlic and Małgorzata Melchior
15. Public Perceptions of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Romania
Felicia Waldman and Mihai Chioveanu
16. The Reception of the Holocaust in Russia: Silence, Conspiracy, and Glimpses of Light
Klas-Göran Karlsson
17. Between Marginalization and Instrumentalization: Holocaust Memory in Serbia since the Late 1980s
Jovan Byford
18. The "Unmasterable Past"? The Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Slovakia
Nina Paulovičová
19. On the Periphery: Jews, Slovenes, and the Memory of the Holocaust
Gregor Joseph Kranjc
20. The Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Ukraine
John-Paul Himka
Conclusion
Omer Bartov
Contributors
Index
Author(s): Kijek, Kamil
Date: 2017
Abstract: Artykuł ten przedstawia najważniejsze wątki krytycznej debaty wokół treści wystawy stałej Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich Polin. Analizując różnice między dwoma polami badawczymi – studiami żydowskimi i studiami nad relacjami polsko-żydowskimi – autor broni tezy, że wiele krytycznych głosów w debacie wynika z niezrozumienia różnic między przedmiotem badań tych dwóch pól, po części wynikającego z obecnej sytuacji – panującego nacjonalizmu i etnocentryzmu, wywierających wpływ również na polskie debaty historyczne. Domaganie się od wystawy opowiadającej tysiącletnią historię Żydów na ziemiach polskich, aby koncentrowała się głównie na stosunku społeczeństwa większościowego do Żydów, grozi popełnieniem błędu teleologii, to jest interpretowaniem wcześniejszych wydarzeń i procesów jako nieuchronnie prowadzących do Zagłady, a także pomijaniem wszystkich tych elementów dziejów żydowskich, które z perspektywy Holokaustu i badań nad antysemityzmem nie mają znaczenia. Tego rodzaju postulaty i stojące za nimi metahistoryczne założenia grożą pozbawieniem Żydów roli podmiotów w ich własnej historii. Z drugiej strony autor tekstu wskazuje na elementy narracji wystawy stałej Muzeum Polin, w których rzeczywiście w niedostateczny sposób uwzględniona została problematyka antysemityzmu jako ważnego elementu żydowskiego doświadczenia i kluczowego czynnika dziejów Żydów w Polsce. Przywrócenie rzeczywistego dialogu i komunikacji pomiędzy przedstawicielami studiów żydowskich i badaczami relacji polsko-żydowskich, przy zachowaniu autonomii tych dwóch pól i zrozumieniu różnic pomiędzy nimi, jest też istotne z punktu widzenia niewątpliwych zagrożeń w postaci prób wykorzystania Muzeum Polin w budowie upolitycznionych, bezkrytycznych wizji historii Polski i stosunku Polaków do Żydów.

Author(s): Loentz, Elizabeth
Date: 2006
Abstract: Minority and immigrant Germans' embrace of the derogatory term Kanake as a self-ascription and of the low-status ethnolect Kanak Sprak has been compared to US rappers' combative use of "niggah" and Black English. This essay, however, compares the revaluation of the term Kanake, a non-assimilatory Kanak identity, and the ethnolect Kanak Sprak to some early 20th century German Jews' revaluation and embrace of Eastern European Jewish culture and Yiddish. It demonstrates also how non-minority and non-Jewish Germans have used Yiddish and Kanak Sprak in literature, theater, film, and popular culture to re-inscribe ethnic difference, especially at times when minorities and Jews were becoming indistinguishable from non-minority Germans (emancipation edicts or nationality law reform). Because Kanak Sprak is inseparable from HipHop culture, the second half of the essay examines the many parallels between the importation and naturalization of German HipHop and German Klezmer. Both were imported from the United States in the early 1980s; and following the fall of the Berlin Wall and German re-unification, both have played a role in German Vergangenheitsbewältigung [mastering the past]. While HipHop and Klezmer have become the soundtrack of German anti-racism, anti-Nazism, and multiculturalism; some observers are critical of non-minority and non-Jewish Germans' appropriation or instrumentalization of ethnic music, and have cited instances of antisemitism and racism in German Klezmer and HipHop.
Author(s): Underhill, Karen C.
Date: 2011
Abstract: In Israeli director Yael Bartana’s 2007 film Mary Koszmary—meaning “Bad Dreams” or “Nightmares”—a young Polish politician delivers a resounding speech to an empty, crumbling, communist-era Stadion Dziesięciolecia in Warsaw. The speech, he says, is an appeal: “This is a call. . . . It is an appeal for life. We want three million Jews to return to Poland, to live with us again. We need you! Please come back!” This article considers the powerful and perhaps disturbing premise of these lines and explores their possible meanings in a contemporary Polish context. What can it mean for Poles and Polish culture to need Jews—and in particular, to need those Jews who can never return? The complex phenomenon of Jewish memory in Poland and Eastern Europe cannot be contained within specific, present-day borders—whether of geography or of academic discipline: similar dynamics to those Bartana has identified in Poland exist throughout the region. Thus, against the background of Bartana’s film, the article considers the growing phenomenon and importance of local Jewish festivals in Poland and present-day Ukraine, focusing in detail on two specific festivals: the annual festival “Encounters with Jewish Culture,” held in Chmielnik, Poland, and the biannual Bruno Schulz Festival in Drohobych, Ukraine. The analysis explores ways that the memory of Polish Jews—and more specifically the figure of the absent Polish Jew—can function as a central element in the construction of new, communal Polish and Ukrainian narratives since the fall of Communism.
Author(s): Wynn, Natalie
Date: 2015
Abstract: This paper will investigate the construction and ongoing renegotiation of Jewish identity in the Irish context from the late nineteenth century to the present day, considering how some of the key elements that have shaped modern Irish identity have impacted on the consciousness of Ireland’s tiny Jewish minority.

Jewish immigration to Ireland, which peaked between 1890 and 1905, coincided with the crystallisation of an Irish identity with a strong foundation in the beliefs and values of Roman Catholicism. Consequently, the emerging discourses of Irish nationalism, in particular the struggle for independence and the complex Irish relationship with Britain, have had a major influence on the formation of a specific Irish-Jewish identity. The impact of Irish nationalism, sectarianism and anti-Jewish prejudice in a still-evolving Irish society will be explored in terms of Jewish perception and identity formation on both the individual and the collective levels. After a brief introduction, I will outline my findings on the Jewish relationship with Irish nationalism, before exploring the way in which Irish-Jewish identity has tended to be presented to the wider world. Issues to be considered will include the significance of variations in nuance between different representations of Irish-Jewish identity and belonging; the role of communal narrative in shaping the consciousness of the individual; and the question of why, in the post-modern era, it should be necessary to keep searching for, re-/presenting and justifying the identity of a minority within a minority to the world at large. Throughout, the focus will remain on the need for a fresh approach to the sources and the issues at hand, in order to create a more holistic, objective and inclusive history of the Jewish experience in Ireland.
Author(s): Janicka, Elżbieta
Date: 2015
Abstract: The text refers to the space around the Nathan Rapoport’s Monument to the Fighters and Martyrs of the Ghetto and the Museum of the History of Polish Jews POLIN in Warsaw (Poland). The site of death – at the heart of the former Warsaw Ghetto – has now become a site overloaded with other symbolic messages. Two main symbolic centers (the 1948 Monument and the 2013 Museum) are today encircled by ten other, additional memorials. The message emerging from the content as well as the proportion of commemorations is that Polish solidarity with the Jews was a fact and it stood the test of terror and death brought by the Germans. Although it does not undermine the veracity of the few and isolated exceptions, such a version of events is drastically different from the actual facts. Both symbolic centers are perceived as emblems of Jewish minority narrative. Additional artefacts are a message formulated by the Polish majority. They constitute a kind of symbolic encirclement, block. Emphasizing the dominant majority’s version of the events in this place is in fact a symbolic pre-emptive action. It is meant to silence the unwanted narrative or suppress even the mere possibility that it might emerge. What turns out to be at stake in the dominant Polish narrative about the Holocaust and Polish-Jewish relations is the image of Poland and the Poles. This shows not only the topographic and symbolic situation but also the socio-cultural context of the functioning of the new Museum.
Date: 2016
Abstract: This is the first empirical study to explain the contested uses and meanings of ‘Yid’ in English football fan culture. A pertinent socio-political issue with important policy and legal implications, we explain the different uses of ‘Yid’, making central the cultural context in which it is used, together with the intent underpinning its usage. Focusing upon Kick It Out’s The Y-Word campaign film (which attempted to raise awareness of antisemitism in football by advocating a ‘zero tolerance’ policy approach to ‘Yid’), the complex relationship of Tottenham Hotspur with Judaism is unpacked. The origins of this complexity stem from Tottenham traditionally attracting Jewish fans due to nearby Jewish communities. As a consequence, Tottenham is perceived as a ‘Jewish’ club and their fans have suffered antisemitic abuse from opposing supporters who have disparagingly referred to them as ‘Yids’. In response, Tottenham fans have, since the 1970s, appropriated and embraced the term by identifying as the ‘Yid Army’. Critical analysis of fan forum discourse suggests that many Tottenham fans thought The Y-Word film failed to sufficiently understand or demarcate between the multiple meanings and intentions associated with use of ‘Yid’ as both an ethnic epithet and term of endearment. We call for an appreciation of the nature of language that acknowledges the fluidity and temporality of linguistic reclamation and ‘ownership’ in future policies to combat antisemitism.
Author(s): Friedmann, Elise
Date: 2009
Abstract: Het jaar 2008 was relatief rustig met 108 incidenten, een zeer lichte stijging ten opzichte van het jaar ervoor. Het jaar was nog niet eens afgelopen toen de Israelische actie in Gaza begon: in minder dan één maand kwamen er 98 meldingen binnen, bijna evenveel als in heel 2008. CIDI rapporteerde deze periode apart en analyseerde de hatemails om te zien wat voor antisemitische ideeën achter de hategolf zaten.

Na een relatief rustig jaar 2008, met 108 antisemitische incidenten tegen 104 in het jaar daarvoor, telde CIDI tijdens de operatie Cast Lead (27 december 2008 tot 23 januari 2009) in minder dan één maand 98 antisemitische incidenten. Dat is bijna evenveel als in het hele jaar 2007 of 2008. Dit is een internationale beweging. Andere Europese landen registreerden ook een sterke stijging, terwijl de ontwikkeling van het aantal antisemitische incidenten in ‘rustige perioden’ per land heel verschillend kan zijn.

Tijdens de Gazaperiode was het aantal meldingen van ernstige incidenten – fysiek geweld en concrete bedreiging daarmee – hoger dan in elk van de twee jaren daarvoor (3 in 2007, 5 in 2008, 9 tijdens Gaza).

Antisemitische uitingen op internet zijn als vanouds niet door CIDI geteld. Het Meldpunt Discriminatie Internet (MDI) meldde, evenals de politie, voor 2008 een vergelijkbare rust. Het aantal antisemitische incidenten dat politie en MDI registreerden in 2008 was echter hoog in verhouding tot andere discriminerende incidenten. Hoewel het geschatte aantal Joden in Nederland (40.000) veel lager is dan het aantal moslims (850.000 in 2007), registreerde de politie in 2008 141 incidenten wegens ‘Joods zijn (of er zo uitzien)’, tegen slechts 116 incidenten wegens ‘Moslim zijn (of er zo uitzien)’. En hoewel de meeste bij MDI gemelde uitingen in 2008 betrekking hadden op moslims (met een verschil van 1), zijn de meeste strafbaar geachte uitingen in 2008 (252) antisemitisch.

Als altijd bij dergelijke pieken viel tijdens de Gazaperiode de grote stijging van antisemitische e-mails op. Het eveneens hoge aantal meldingen van antsemitische uitingen op internet – vrijwel altijd lezersreacties op bona fide nieuwssites – is door CIDI als gewoonlijk niet geteld; de meeste zijn gemeld bij het MDI. Dat telde tijdens de Gazaperiode 78 antisemitische uitingen, “tweemaal zoveel als normaal”.

Voor zover een signalement bekend is, waren de daders van ‘real life’-incidenten vrijwel altijd Marokkaans of ‘er zo uitziend’. Er zijn daarentegen aanwijzingen dat onder de circa vijftig mensen die hun haat per email of schriftelijk uitstortten over Joodse en Israelische instellingen en personen, waarschijnlijk veel autochtonen waren. Daarbij werden weinig rechts-extremistische uitdrukkingen of beelden gebruikt.

In reacties op het gebeuren in Gaza uitten veel mensen niet alleen een politieke mening over de daden van de Israelische regering (hetgeen door CIDI niet als antisemitisch wordt geteld), maar spuiden zij klassieke antisemitische vooroordelen over ‘de’ Joden.
Daarbij werd opvallend vaak de Holocaust ontkend of gebagatelliseerd. In de gemelde e-mails in 2007 werd dit geen enkele maal gedaan, in 2008 zeven keer; tijdens de Gazaperiode 20 maal. Vergelijkingen tussen Israel/Joden/Israeli’s enz en nazi’s kwamen in 2007 tweemaal voor, in 2008 11 keer; tijdens de Gazaperiode 19 keer. Nog vaker werd gezegd dat de Holocaust ‘volkomen terecht’ was, ‘afgemaakt’ had moeten worden, of alsnog moet worden afgemaakt omdat ‘alle Joden dood moeten’. Dit was de meest voorkomende antisemitische uitspraak in de geanalyseerde e-mails: hij werd tweemaal gedaan in 2007, 15 keer in 2008 en 23 keer tijdens ‘Gaza’.

Het gelijkstellen van Israelische acties aan de Holocaust, of zelfs zeggen dat de Holocaust minder erg is dan Israelische acties, is nooit eerder zo massaal in Nederland gepropageerd als tijdens de Gazaperiode. Dit gebeurde door op grote schaal via internet en e-mail verspreide fotomontages, maar meer nog door specifiek op Nederland gerichte pamfletten die in enorme aantallen door het hele land huis aan huis zijn verspreid. Taalfouten in de tekst achterop het pamflet lijken te wijzen op niet-Nederlandse opstellers. Gezien de grote schaal van de verspreiding en de gemaakte kosten gaat het mogelijk om een organisatie.

In alle categorieen incidenten was vooral de grootschaligheid van de haat verontrustend. Honderden, met tv-kijkers meegeteld duizenden mensen die helemaal niets te maken hebben met het conflict, werden er ongevraagd mee geconfronteerd. Vooral de spreekkoren die tijdens demonstraties ‘Hamas, Hamas, Joden aan het gas’ en ‘ Hitler, Hitler, Hitler’ scandeerden, maakten een beangstigende indruk op grote aantallen ooggetuigen en tv-kijkers.

De heftige reactie op gebeurtenissen in het buitenland, alléén wanneer het om Israel gaat, blijft een zorgelijk fenomeen. Daarbij is het verontrustend dat ook mensen die zich niet antisemitisch uiten het vaak volkomen normaal lijken te vinden dat anti-Israelgevoelens leiden tot anti-Joodse gevoelens en daden. Zo lang deze foute grondhouding blijft bestaan, kan de Joodse gemeenschap in Nederland op elk willekeurig moment, steeds opnieuw, het slachtoffer worden van een nieuwe antisemitismegolf. Het is een waanidee dat op alle mogelijke manieren voortdurend moet worden bestreden.

Uit een analyse van onder meer de bij CIDI gemelde e-mails blijkt dat voor de verzenders de Holocaust niet langer geldt als universele waarschuwing tegen antisemitisme. Deze hatemailers schuiven integendeel Israel/Joden enz. ten onrechte vergelijkbare of ergere vergrijpen in de schoenen als rechtvaardiging voor antisemitisme en om het bestaansrecht te betwisten van niet alleen Israel, maar vaak het gehele Joodse volk waar ook ter wereld. Voorstellen zoals van de VVD, die maken dat het ontkennen van de Holocaust onder bijna alle omstandigheden niet langer strafbaar is, zijn juist in deze omstandigheden buitengewoon contraproductief.

Bovendien gaat van het feit dat Justitie antisemitisme uiterst traag en soms pas na veel aandringen en lijkt te vervolgen een verkeerde voorbeeldwerking uit. Direct benadeelden blijven zich onveilig voelen doordat Justitie hen meestal niet informeert als er wel actie wordt ondernomen.

CIDI merkt al jaren op dat de sfeer in Nederland, ook tijdens ‘piekjaren’, minder grimmig is dan in andere Europese landen. Daarvoor verdienen onder meer landelijke politici een compliment, althans degenen onder hen die niet ‘meehuilen met de wolven in het bos’. Hun grote inzet bij het bestrijden van racisme en van de verharding van het maatschappelijk discours mag niet onderschat worden. Het is te hopen dat dit zo blijft.
Date: 2016
Abstract: This report looks at how faith organisations have been responding to the impact of the financial crisis and the politics of austerity. It is based on a scoping survey of the work of 90 faith organisations and 13 case studies of faith-based initiatives, conducted by a research team based in the Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship at the University of Bristol. This study builds on a core area of the Centre’s work which focuses on the role of, particularly minority, religions in public life. The project is hosted by the Centre’s online forum on religion and policy, Public Spirit. It is funded by the Barrow Cadbury Trust as part of an ongoing interest in promoting economic justice.
The role and impact of faith organisations in providing welfare services, and particularly in the context of economic recession and welfare reform, are well recognised. It is important to acknowledge that faith organisations are not only plugging gaps in social or financial provision left by the market and state, but also bring critical perspectives to questions of socially just economic organisation. Across different religious traditions, faith organisations are also mobilising values, people and resources to develop and innovate alternative approaches to market-based finance and credit. This report focuses on the role of faith organisations in:
1) assisting those experiencing financial hardship;
2) engaging in activism on and campaigning for the reform of financial products and services;
3) advocating or providing alternatives to market-based finance.
We explore how faith organisations, particularly from minority religious groups, view the effects of the financial crisis and austerity on faith communities and neighbourhoods and the ways in which they are responding to these issues. We examine the ways in which they assist those experiencing financial hardship, the issues on which they campaign, and the alternatives to market based finance they are helping to develop or advocate. We look at how and with whom they collaborate, and the values, models and practices that underpin their work.

[Includes Jewish case studies]