Search results

Your search found 96 items
Previous | Next
Sort: Relevance | Topics | Title | Author | Publication Year View all 1 2
Home  / Search Results
Author(s): Ehsan, Rakib
Date: 2020
Abstract: In late 2019, the Henry Jackson Society commissioned polling organisation Savanta ComRes to undertake a survey involving a weighted sample of 750 British Muslims. Respondents were asked about their perspectives on a number of topics. These included: other faith groups; prominent geopolitical players; and the perceived level of Jewish global control. This represents one of the most systematic and comprehensive surveys into the socio-political attitudes – both domestic and international – of British Muslims. According to the study: - When compared with their perception of other faith groups, British Muslims have the least favourable attitude towards Jewish people. - The only people viewed less favourably by British Muslims than Jewish people are those belonging to no religious group (atheists/non-believers). - British Muslims who are more socially integrated through their friendship groups, have a more favourable view of both Jews and the State of Israel. These are a number of observations of significance: -A December 2019 ICM Unlimited poll found that 18% of the general population felt Jews have disproportionate influence over business and finance. In this survey of British Muslims, 34% were of the view that Jews have too much control over the global banking system. - The same ICM poll found that 15% of the general population felt Jews have disproportionate influence in politics. In this Savanta ComRes poll, 33% of the British Muslim respondents were of the view that Jews have too much control over the global political leadership. - On the matter of ‘dual loyalty’, the ICM survey found that 24% of the general population believed British Jews were more loyal to Israel than to the UK. The corresponding figure for British Muslims, in this survey by Savanta ComRes, is 44%. - When compared to British Muslims who are not university-educated, British Muslims who are university-educated are more likely to agree with the view that British Jews are more loyal to Israel than to the UK, along with holding the broader belief that Jews have too much global control. - The majority of British Muslims who report that they attend a mosque at least 3-4 times a week, believe British Jews are more loyal to Israel than to the UK – 55%. The corresponding figure for British Muslims who very occasionally or never attend a mosque is 34%
Date: 2010
Abstract: Loin d’avoir disparu, la haine des Juifs est entrée dans un nouveau régime en se fixant sur Israël, cible d’une guerre médiatique de haute intensité. L’antisionisme radical, dont l’objectif est la destruction de l’État juif, représente en effet la dernière figure historique prise par la judéophobie. À ce titre, négatrice du droit à l’existence d’une nation, elle constitue l’une des principales formes contemporaines du racisme. Pour comprendre comment s’est accomplie la mondialisation de cette nouvelle configuration antijuive, l’auteur dissèque le nouveau discours de propagande des ennemis déclarés d’Israël tel qu’il s’est développé au cours des années 2000-2010. La nouvelle vision antijuive, qui consiste à « nazifier » les « sionistes » en tant qu’« agresseurs » et à « judaïser » corrélativement les Palestiniens en tant que « victimes », permet d’accuser les « sionistes » de « génocide » ou de « palestinocide ». Ce discours de propagande est replacé dans son contexte international, marqué par une menace islamiste centrée sur l’appel au jihad contre les Juifs.

Analysant divers matériaux symboliques exploités par la nouvelle propagande antijuive — images ou discours —, P.-A. Taguieff donne à comprendre comment et pourquoi la haine des Juifs, plus d’un demi-siècle après la Shoah, a pu renaître sous les habits neufs de l’« antiracisme » et de l’« anticolonialisme » et, grâce aux médias, se diffuser en recueillant l’assentiment d’individus parfois convaincus d’être étrangers à tout préjugé antijuif.
Date: 2009
Abstract: Placards carrying images of swastikas superimposed on the Star of David and the Israeli flag were commonplace in street-level protests about the recent Israeli military actions and the conflict in Gaza in December 2008 and January 2009. Allusions between Nazi genocidal practices and the activities of the Israeli state were also drawn in some of the speeches at protest meetings and press commentary on the conflict. Although this was not the first occasion that the ‘Nazi card’ had been played against Israel and Jews, the prevalence of the phenomenon appears to indicate its growing normalisation. Playing the ‘Nazi card’ is a discursive act involving the use of Nazi or related terms or symbols (Nazism, Hitler, swastikas, etc.) in reference to Jews, Israel, Zionism or aspects of the Jewish experience. It manifests in words uttered in speech or in writing, or in visual representations such as artwork, drawings, caricatures, cartoons, graffiti, daubings and scratchings, or visual expressions such as a Nazi salute or the clicking of heels. In many instances, the playing of the Nazi card is unquestionably antisemitic. However, the inclusion of particular modes of criticism of Israel in definitions of antisemitism has provoked controversy. The result has been a war of words which has stagnated into an intellectual and discursive cul-de-sac of claim and counter-claim about what does and does not qualify as antisemitism. Because of this, in focusing on discourse, this report attempts to shift the focus of analysis of contemporary antisemitism onto new ground: away from labelling and defining the problem, to an understanding of the consequences of particular discourse. By unravelling and dissecting various manifestations of the phenomenon, the report reveals how the playing of the Nazi card scratches deep wounds by invoking painful collective memory of the Holocaust. It also offers some recommendations as to how the problem might be addressed.
Date: 2020
Date: 2016
Abstract: Der Fachkräfteaustausch "Commitment without Borders – Transnational Network against Antisemitism" zwischen Deutschland und der Türkei ist ein Partnerprojekt von KIgA und den Organisationen Toplum Gönüllüleri Vakfi (TOG) und Karakutu („Blackbox“) aus Istanbul. Das Projekt befasst sich mit den unterschiedlichen Erfahrungen, Herausforderungen und Chancen von historisch-politischer Bildung zum Holocaust und der kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit Antisemitismus in beiden Ländern.

Im gegenseitigen Austausch erkunden Praktiker_innen aus Wissenschaft, außerschulischer Bildung und Gedenkstättenpädagogik die Geschichte und Gegenwart von Vorurteilen, Diskriminierung und politischer Gewalt sowie der Erinnerungskulturen in den jeweiligen nationalen Kontexten. Im Rahmen gemeinsamer Studienreisen, Workshops und Fachtagungen setzen sie sich mit aktuellen Diskursen auseinander, lernen pädagogische Akteure, Ansätze und Methoden kennen und entwickeln gemeinsam Handlungsstrategien. Erste Ergebnisse aus dem gemeinschaftlichen Lern- und Arbeitsprozess werden in Form der vorliegenden Publikation zugänglich gemacht.

Im ersten Kapitel mit dem Titel "Theorie Antisemitismus und Holocaust Education – Hintergründe und Diskurse" vermitteln Projektteilnehmer_innen Einblicke in Diskurse und zeigen die unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Voraussetzungen in der Türkei und in Deutschland auf.

Das zweite Kapitel mit dem Titel "Praxis Einblicke in die pädagogische Arbeit" umfasst die Darstellung einiger der Methoden, die im Laufe des Projektes durchgeführt, diskutiert und bearbeitet wurden. Der Auswahl liegt der Wunsch nach Vermittlung einer möglichst großen Diversität von pädagogische-didaktischen Zugängen wie auch inhaltlichen Bezügen des Themenfelds zugrunde.

Das dritte Kapitel mit dem Titel "Reflexionen Rückblicke auf das Projekt und Ausblicke in die Zukunft" bezieht sich auf den diskursiven und produktiven Charakter des Projekts. Es spiegelt die kritischen Reflexionen und intensiven Diskussionen zu den im Laufe des Projektes vorgestellten, angedachten und besprochenen Inhalten und gibt somit einen vertieften Einblick in die partnerschaftliche Arbeit und den intensiven Austausch.

Die Publikation schließt mit einem Serviceteil, in dem sich die Projektpartner in beiden Ländern vorstellen.
Translated Title: On a new antisemitic moment
Author(s): Birnbaum, Pierre
Date: 2015
Date: 2016
Date: 2013
Author(s): Elam, R Amy
Date: 2015
Date: 2019
Editor(s): Shainkman, Mikael
Date: 2018
Abstract: This book illustrates the two clear trends in antisemitism today: “old” antisemitism, based in religious and racist prejudices, which has largely disappeared from public discourse in the West after the defeat of Nazi Germany, but has resurfaced in the last quarter-century in the face of right wing frustration of weakening nation states in a globalized world; and “new” antisemitism, or the antisemitic narrativization of Israel, which is most commonly found on the Left, in the Muslim world, and in the post-colonial discourse.

This collection of essays analyzes both old and new antisemitisms, in order to understand their place in the world of today and tomorrow. It is written by experts in the field of antisemitism working for, or connected with, the Kantor Center for the Study of Contemporary European Jewry at Tel Aviv University.

Table of Contents
Acknowledgments

Introduction: The Continuity and Change of Antisemitism
Mikael Shainkman

Different Antisemitisms: On Three Distinct Forms of Antisemitism in Contemporary Europe, with a Special Focus on Sweden
Lars Dencik and Karl Marosi

Holocaust Memory and Holocaust Revisionism in Poland and Moldova: A Comparison
Natalia Sineaeva-Pankowska

Honoring the Collaborators: The Ukrainian Case
Irena Cantorovich

The Rise of the Radical Right in Europe and the Jews
Michael Whine

The Worrisome Defiance of the Golden Dawn
Michal Navoth

The Struggle over the International Working Definition of Antisemitism
Dina Porat

Discrimination against Muslims and Antisemitic Views among Young Muslims in Europe
Günther Jikeli

Debates on Islamized Antisemitism in Austria in the Wake of the Israel-Gaza Conflict, 2014
Julia Edthofer

Antisemitism and the Struggle for the “Good” Society: Ambivalent Responses to Antisemitic Attitudes and Ideas in the 2014 Swedish Electoral Race
Kristin Wagrell

Mohamed Omar and the Selective Detection of Non-Nazi Antisemitism
Mathan Ravid

After the Charlie Hebdo Attack: The Line between Freedom of Expression and Hate Speech
Andre Oboler

Online Antisemitic Propaganda and Negationism in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Ahmadinejad and His Enduring Legacy
Liora Hendelman-Baavur

The Nisman Case: Its Impact on the Jewish Community and on National Politics in Argentina
Adrian Gruszniewski and Lidia Lerner

Venezuela’s 2012 Presidential Elections: Introducing Antisemitism into Venezuelan Political Discourse
Lidia Lerner
Author(s): Hochberg, Gil Z.
Date: 2016
Date: 2018
Abstract: Настоящий отчет в основном описывает результаты качественных исследований 2018 г . Это была вторая волна фокус-групп и интервью, во многом продолжавшая и развивавшая исследование, первая волна которого прошла в 2015 г . и которая описана в соответствующем Отчете . Сведения об объеме и географии проведенных фокус-групп представлены в Приложении №1
Наряду с этим настоящее качественное исследование имеет целью дополнить и поддержать значительное по масштабам количественное исследование, проводимое одновременно Левада-центром в тех же городах (и ряде других) . Описываемые фокус-группы и интервью проводили модераторы Левада-центра А .Левинсон и С .Королева .
Приглашение респондентов из числа евреев осуществлялось через еврейские организации на местах . Контакты с этими организациями были установлены с помощью сотрудников Российского Еврейского Конгресса, за что мы им приносим свою благодарность . Приглашение других респондентов происходило силами местных маркетинговых и социологических агентств, сотрудничающих с Левада-центром .
Выборка для качественного исследования 2018 г . была построена так, чтобы в каждом из четырех городов провести встречи с местным еврейством и с представителями тех групп, которые образуют контекст или часть контекста для существования евреев . Поэтому в городах Дербент и Казань проводились фокус-группы с представителями мусульманского большинства, в городах Томск и Калининград – с представителями русского населения городов .
Исследователи полагали необходимым проверить гипотезу о том, что религиозность, т .е . включенность в жизнь религиозной общины и в соответствующее вероучение, влияет на восприятие проблемы антисемитизма . Поэтому были запланированы фокус-группы с евреями религиозными и с теми, кто себя к религиозным не относит . Такие же различия должны были быть в группах русских (относящие и не относящие себя к православным) и в группах мусульман, которые были разделены на «практикующих» (в Дербенте) и «этнических» (в Казани) . Мы не имели в виду обращаться к «истово-верующим» этих трех конфессий, поскольку это относительно узкие группы среди вообще «верующих»/ «практикующих»/ «религиозных» . Гипотеза нашла лишь частичное подтверждение . Среди евреев этот статус не влиял на их представление о наличии/отсутствии антисемитизма . Среди «практикующих» мусульман и православных было отмечен особый тип претензий к евреям и/или иудеям, не встречавшийся у тех, кто не причисляет себя к верующим . Претензии состояли в том, что иудеи считают себя выше нас – мусульман или православных . В остальном позиции людей более и менее вовлеченных в религию – в отношении обсуждаемых вопросов – не различались .
Translated Title: The New Judeophobia
Date: 2007
Abstract: Il serait dramatique, et éminemment regrettable, qu'aucune voix ne s'élève aujourd'hui pour dénoncer « l'antisémitisme », dont les manifestations spectaculaires se sont multipliées au cours des deux dernières années - sans que les médias ne leur accordent la moindre place, à quelques exceptions près, - au moment même où se produit une très forte résurgence. Pierre-André Taguieff nous alerte sur cette seconde vague, post-nazie, ayant pris une forme tout à fait nouvelle : héritière des arguments traditionnels de l'antisémitisme, elle allie antisionisme et processus d'islamisation. Il la nomme nouvelle judéophobie. Ses expressions les plus récentes : en France, la multiplication des actes déliquants contre des synagogues, mais aussi les insultes et menaces adressées à des familles juives installées en banlieue, et tout récemment, un certain match de football France-Algérie ; au niveau international, la conférence de Durban, à la fin du mois d'août 2001, au cours de laquelle se jouèrent des pressions énormes pour stigmatiser et exclure les organisations israéliennes et juives ; et puis, les déclarations d'Oussama ben Laden depuis le 11 septembre. Dans le nouveau contexte géopolitique qui s'est brutalement dessiné, les intellectuels et la presse français restent curieusement muets, comme pétrifiés. Ils sont pris entre les thématiques de la victimisation sociologique des jeunes de banlieue et la dénonciation du fanatisme islamique. Pourtant, il est urgent de refuser intolérance et fanatisme, de décrire une évolution inquiétante très précisément, et de dénoncer toute pensée « amalgamante ». Le livre est né d'une communication donnée par l'auteur au Sénat lors du colloque « Les nouveaux visages de l'antisémitisme », le 14 octobre 2001.
Date: 2016
Abstract: Le dispositif d’enquête dont les principaux enseignements sont présentés ci-après a été conduit par l’Institut Ipsos à la demande de la Fondation du Judaïsme Français. Ce dispositif d’études s’articule autour de trois volets.

Le premier volet concerne l’ensemble de la population française : nous avons interrogé 1005 personnes constituant un échantillon représentatif de la population française âgée de 18 ans et plus (méthode des quotas). L’enquête a été réalisée par internet du 15 au 24 juillet 2014.

Le second concerne les personnes se considérant comme juives : après avoir réalisé 45 entretiens qualitatifs d’environ 2h auprès de juifs (45) dont des responsables communautaires (15) en région parisienne, à Toulouse et Strasbourg, Ipsos a réalisé une étude quantitative auprès de 313 personnes.
Il n’existe pas de définition satisfaisante de qui est juif et qui ne l’est pas. Il n’existe pas non plus de statistiques permettant d’appliquer des quotas. La méthode utilisée a été celle de l’autodéfinition par les personnes elles-mêmes. Est juif celui ou celle qui se considère comme tel. A partir de plusieurs dizaines de milliers de panélistes interrogés, on a ainsi pu extraire un échantillon de 313 personnes se déclarant comme juif ou juive, auquel le questionnaire a été administré du 24 février au 8 juin 2015. Cette méthode a l’avantage de limiter les biais que l’on rencontre lors de recrutement « dans la rue » ou à proximité de lieux de culte

Le troisième concerne les personnes se considérant comme musulmanes. Pour les mêmes raisons, il a été procédé exactement de la même façon que pour les répondants juifs. Un échantillon de 500 personnes se déclarant musulman/musulmane extrait de notre Acces Panel a ainsi été interrogé du 24 février au 9 mars 2015.
Author(s): Mandel, Maud S.
Date: 2014
Abstract: This book traces the global, national, and local origins of the conflict between Muslims and Jews in France, challenging the belief that rising anti-Semitism in France is rooted solely in the unfolding crisis in Israel and Palestine. Maud Mandel shows how the conflict in fact emerged from processes internal to French society itself even as it was shaped by affairs elsewhere, particularly in North Africa during the era of decolonization.

Mandel examines moments in which conflicts between Muslims and Jews became a matter of concern to French police, the media, and an array of self-appointed spokesmen from both communities: Israel's War of Independence in 1948, France's decolonization of North Africa, the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, the 1968 student riots, and François Mitterrand's experiments with multiculturalism in the 1980s. She takes an in-depth, on-the-ground look at interethnic relations in Marseille, which is home to the country's largest Muslim and Jewish populations outside of Paris. She reveals how Muslims and Jews in France have related to each other in diverse ways throughout this history--as former residents of French North Africa, as immigrants competing for limited resources, as employers and employees, as victims of racist aggression, as religious minorities in a secularizing state, and as French citizens.

In Muslims and Jews in France, Mandel traces the way these multiple, complex interactions have been overshadowed and obscured by a reductionist narrative of Muslim-Jewish polarization.
Date: 2019
Abstract: In late 2017, JPR published a major study of attitudes towards Jews and Israel among the population of Great Britain, a project supported by the Community Security Trust and the Department for Communities and Local Government. We regard it as a groundbreaking piece of work - the first study conducted anywhere that empirically demonstrates a clear connection between extreme hostility towards Israel and more traditional forms of antipathy towards Jews.

This report explores this connection yet further, focusing specifically on two particularly prevalent ideas that are often experienced by Jews as antisemitic: the contention that Israel is 'an apartheid state' and that it should be subjected to a boycott.

In the first instance, the study finds that large proportions of people actually have no view at all on these ideas, either because they do not know anything about the issues, or because they are simply unsure of where they stand on them. This is particularly the case for young people and women - knowledge levels improve and opinions sharpen the older people are, and, as has been found in numerous other studies, women tend to be less opinionated than men on these types of political issues.

However, among those who do have a view, 21% agree with the contention that 'Israel is an apartheid state,' 5% strongly so, and 10% endorse the argument that 'people should boycott Israeli goods and products (3% strongly so). About the same proportion (18%) disagrees with the apartheid contention as agree with it, but a much higher proportion disagrees with the boycott one (47%) than agrees with it.

Disagreement with the boycott idea is higher in older age bands than in younger ones, increasingly so among those aged 40-plus, a phenomenon that is not found in relation to the apartheid contention. But the ideas are not particularly sensitive to educational level - both agreement and disagreement with both contentions increase the higher the educational qualification achieved.

However, clear distinctions can be found when looking at the data through the lens of religion, with Muslims much more likely than other groups to support both contentions.

The report goes on to explore the correlations between these views and more traditional anti-Jewish ones, and finds clear links between the two, although this is more the case with the boycott idea than the apartheid one. However, it also notes that the correlation is stronger with other anti-Israel beliefs, particularly those arguing that Israel exploits the Holocaust for its own purposes, and those claiming that Israel is excessively powerful or the primary cause of troubles in the Middle East.
Author(s): Katz, Ethan B.
Date: 2018
Abstract: To date, scholars have rarely talked about contemporary antisemitism and Islamophobia in France as part of a single story. When they have, it has typically been as part of a framework for analyzing racism that is essentially competitive: some depict Islamophobia as less a real problem than a frequent excuse to ignore antisemitism; others minimize antisemitism as an unfortunate but marginal phenomenon by comparison with the pervasive nature of anti-Muslim racism in French society. This article argues that the two are inseparable, and it focuses on a hitherto overlooked set of connections: in the era since the attacks on Charlie Hebdo and Hyper Cacher in January 2015, at key flash points that question Muslim belonging in France, the position of Jews has repeatedly been invoked in ambiguous, contradictory ways. Participants in these public debates have sometimes forcefully maintained that Jews are unlike Muslims, since they have long been fully integrated French citizens. At other moments, these discussions have raised the specter of Jewish ethnic and religious difference. By emphasizing Jewish particularity, such debates evoke, perforce, the past twenty-five years of controversies about the allegedly problematic attire, food, and beliefs of France’s Muslims. The article focuses on several key moments, from the speech of Prime Minister Manuel Valls before the French parliament in the wake of the Charlie Hebdo and Hyper Cacher attacks, to the kippah and burkini affairs of 2016, to the provocative comments of candidates in the 2017 presidential elections concerning Muslim and Jewish religious and ethnic markers of difference.
Author(s): Arkin, Kimberly A.
Date: 2018
Author(s): Bell, Dorian
Date: 2018
Abstract: Are Muslims the “new Jews” of Europe? The spectacle of Middle Eastern and African refugees shuttled by train from camp to squalid camp has understandably drawn parallels to the darkest pages in twentieth-century continental history. Such a historical comparison between Islamophobia and antisemitism, however, risks missing their ongoing interrelation. This article examines that interrelation, arguing that Islamophobia and antisemitism now most resemble each other as complementary mechanisms for diverting the anxieties bred by the global economic order. Antisemitism has long scapegoated the Jews for capitalism’s tendency to produce outsized winners. But there has been no comparably global shorthand for the anxiety prompted by capitalism’s losers—until now. Muslim refugees help give a name, Islam, to the masses seemingly encroaching from the margins of the world system. The result, I argue, is the hardening of Islamophobia and antisemitism into the inextricable poles of a reactionary worldview. Taking France as a case study, the article reads the burkini bans prompted by the July 2016 terror attack in Nice as an expression of middle-class fear about downward mobility. Targeted at both internal Muslim leisure and external Muslim encroachment, the bans evoke how European unease about globalization increasingly takes Islamophobic form. Such intolerance threatens not only to lodge Islamophobia at the heart of a reconstituted Europe but also to erode the vigilance against antisemitism once characteristic of the postwar European project.
Date: 2016
Abstract: This book is the first comprehensive study of postwar antisemitism in the Netherlands. It focuses on the way stereotypes are passed on from one decade to the next, as reflected in public debates, the mass media, protests and commemorations, and everyday interactions. The Holocaust, Israel and 'the Jew' explores the ways in which old stories and phrases relating to 'the stereotypical Jew' are recycled and modified for new uses, linking the antisemitism of the early postwar years to its enduring manifestations in today's world.

The Dutch case is interesting because of the apparent contrast between the Netherlands' famous tradition of tolerance and the large numbers of Jews who were deported and murdered in the Second World War. The book sheds light on the dark side of this so-called 'Dutch paradox,' in manifestations of aversion and guilt after 1945. In this context, the abusive taunt 'They forgot to gas you' can be seen as the first radical expression of postwar antisemitism as well as an indication of how the Holocaust came to be turned against the Jews. The identification of 'the Jew' with the gas chamber spread from the streets to football stadiums, and from verbal abuse to pamphlet and protest. The slogan 'Hamas, Hamas all the Jews to the gas' indicates that Israel became a second marker of postwar antisemitism.

The chapters cover themes including soccer-related antisemitism, Jewish responses, philosemitism, antisemitism in Dutch-Moroccan and Dutch- Turkish communities, contentious acts of remembrance, the neo-Nazi tradition, and the legacy of Theo van Gogh. The book concludes with a lengthy epilogue on 'the Jew' in the politics of the radical right, the attacks in Paris in 2015, and the refugee crisis. The stereotype of 'the Jew' appears to be transferable to other minorities.

Contents:

Preface

1 Why Jews are more guilty than others : An introductory essay, 1945-2016
Evelien Gans
Part I Post-Liberation Antisemitism
2 ‘The Jew’ as Dubious Victim
Evelien Gans
3 The Meek Jew – and Beyond
Evelien Gans
4 Alte Kameraden: Right-wing Antisemitism and Holocaust Denial
Remco Ensel, Evelien Gans and Willem Wagenaar
5 Jewish Responses to Post-Liberation Antisemitism
Evelien Gans
Part II Israel and ‘the Jew’
6 Philosemitism? Ambivalences regarding Israel
Evelien Gans
7 Transnational Left-wing Protest and the ‘Powerful Zionist’
Remco Ensel
8 Israel: Source of Divergence
Evelien Gans
9 ‘The Activist Jew’ Responds to Changing Dutch Perceptions of Israel
Katie Digan
10 Turkish Anti-Zionism in the Netherlands: From Leftist to Islamist Activism
Annemarike Stremmelaar
Part III The Holocaust-ed Jew in Native Dutch Domains
since the 1980s
11 ‘The Jew’ in Football: To Kick Around or to Embrace
Evelien Gans
12 Pornographic Antisemitism, Shoah Fatigue and Freedom of Speech
Evelien Gans
13 Historikerstreit: The Stereotypical Jew in Recent Dutch Holocaust Studies
Remco Ensel and Evelien Gans
Part IV Generations. Migrant Identities and Antisemitism in the Twenty-first Century
14 ‘The Jew’ vs. ‘the Young Male Moroccan’: Stereotypical Confrontations in the City
Remco Ensel
15 Conspiracism: Islamic Redemptive Antisemitism and the Murder of Theo van Gogh
Remco Ensel
16 Reading Anne Frank: Confronting Antisemitism in Turkish Communities
Annemarike Stremmelaar
17 Holocaust Commemorations in Postcolonial Dutch Society
Remco Ensel
18 Epilogue: Instrumentalising and Blaming ‘the Jew’, 2011-2016
Evelien Gans